Section Three

 

General Issues

 

Operant conditioning and respondent conditioning have been discussed separately. However, in most behavior there is a significant interaction between operant and respondent variables. Sources of motivation, such as learned drives, might be established by respondent conditioning, while the response made under such motivation is an operant. Also an operant response might be reinforced by a conditioned reinforcement that was established under respondent conditioning. For example, a boy who had unpleasant experiences in school now feels anxious when in the school (respondent conditioning). By skipping his last class and leaving early (operant) he feels a reduction in his anxiety (negative reinforcement from a reduction of a respondently established source of anxiety).

 

The two-process theory, as discussed in the reading by Rescorla and Solomon, assumes that respondent CRs serve as mediators of operant behavior, functioning as instigators and/or sources of reinforcement. The Rescorla and Solomon article describes many of the comparisons between respondent conditioning and operant conditioning and how the different processes interact.

 

As operant and respondent variables interact in most situations, so learning and motivation variables interact to produce performance. In the reading by Spence, it is argued that anxiety, as measured by the Taylor Manifest Anxiety scale, feeds into a nonspecific drive. This drive, a key motivational variable in the Hull and Spence theories, affects the performance of subjects in learning tasks. Specifically, Spence argues that human subjects with high manifest anxiety have better performance in respondent eyelid conditioning than subjects low in manifest anxiety.

 

In the reading by Kleinsmith and Kaplan the motivational variable of arousal is suggested to affect the retrieval of learned information. It is hypothesized that after learning trials the learned information goes into a reverberatory neural network that is responsible for producing the physiological change that underlies long-term memory. Short-term memory depends on how accessible for retrieval the information is while it is reverberating. Kleinsmith and Kaplan suggest that the more arousal during learning the less accessible the information will be during shortterm memory, but long-term memory will be better since the increased reverberation produces greater long-term memory.

 

The above conceptualization has recently been revised by Kaplan and his associates (e.g., Pomerantz, Kaplan, and Kaplan, 1969). It is now suggested that the initial unavailability is not due simply to the reverberation, but due to neural fatigue generated by the reverberation. The higher the arousal the more the reverberation, hence more fatigue masking short-term memory but also more activity producing better long-term memory.

 

There is a tendency for some works in learning to treat principles of learning as if they apply equally to almost all animals. However, differences between species often affect these principles of learning. The reading by Breland and Breland describes some failures in trying to condition different animals operantly. Instinctual behavioral patterns of the animals often interfered with the behavior the Brelands were trying to condition. This does not mean that operant conditioning principles are not applicable to these animals; it means that species-specific behaviors interact with learning.

 

In the next article Bitterman describes a number of differences between species in various learning tasks. Bitterman has been able to identify some general trends along a dimension of complexity of the animals’ nervous systems (the phyletic scale). The reader must be careful not to equate changes along this scale with evolutionary trends (cf. Hodos and Campbell, 1969). For it is generally inappropriate to discuss evolutionary effects among species all of which are currently alive. Evolutionary trends must include common ancestors, many of which no longer exist.

 

A number of comparisons (e.g., Kellogg, 1968) have been made between the learning capabilities of chimpanzees and humans. Although chimps readily learn things such as to wear clothes, sleep in beds, eat with silverware, work faucets, and use toilets, they are quite poor at learning to speak. However, chimps are generally not vocal animals unless disturbed. Therefore, to study language learning in chimps it would be better to use non- vocal language. The reading by Gardner and Gardner describes successfully teaching a chimpanzee sign language. This becomes particularly important as the chimp eventually starts combining words in novel ways to generate new “thoughts.” Similar results have been reported by Premack (1970) who trained a chimp to use plastic figures on a board to represent words. Premack’s chimp Sarah has a vocabulary of more than 120 words and can form fairly complex sentences.

 

The last reading by Seligman reviews a number of interspecies differences in learning and what evolutionary functions these differences might serve. Seligman argues that animals differ in the degree to which they are “prepared” to learn different associations.

 


 

Two-Process Learning Theory:

Relationships Between Pavlovian

Conditioning and Instrumental Learning1

 

ROBERT A. RESCORLA,2 Yale University; and

RICHARD L. SOLOMON,3 University of Pennsylvania

 

The history of 2-process learning theory is described, and the logical and empirical validity of its major postulates is examined. The assumption of 2 acquisition processes requires the demonstration of an empirical interaction between 2 types of reinforcement contingencies and (a) response classes, (b) reinforcing stimulus classes, or (c) characteristics of the learned behavior itself. The mediation postulates of 2-process theory which argue that CRs are intimately involved in the control of instrumental responding are emphasized, and 2 major lines of evidence that stem uniquely from these postulates are examined: (a) the concurrent development and maintenance of instrumental responses and conditioned reflexes, and (b) the interaction between separately conducted Pavlovian conditioning contingencies and instrumental training contingencies in the control of instrumental behavior. The evidence from con- current measurement studies provides, at the very best, only weak support for the mediational hypotheses of 2-process theory. In contrast, the evidence from interaction studies shows the strong mediating control of instrumental responses by Pavlovian conditioning procedures, and demonstrates the surprising power of Pavlovian concepts in predicting the outcomes of many kinds of interaction experiments.

 

The procedures which the experimenter (E) carries out in the Pavlovian, or classical, conditioning experiment are quite different from those he carries out in a Thorndikian, or instrumental, training experiment. In the Pavlovian conditioning experiment, E ideally has full control over all experimental events; he determines the time of occurrence and the duration of a trial without any regard to the animal’s behavior. That is, E arranges relations between stimulus events which he controls. In contrast, in the Thorndikian training experiment, E only arranges it such that the animal’s behavior at specified times will yield predetermined environmental changes; E arranges relations between the animal’s behavior and future stimulus events.

 

Because the laws of learning are stated as interrelationships between experimental operations and consequent behavioral changes, the laws of conditioning and those of learning must be different at a descriptive level. This would be so even though the behavioral changes were identical in the two cases. On the other hand, if some theoretical system could be developed to unify the different empirical laws, to reduce them to the same general underlying principles, then the laws of behavioral modification would deduce the outcomes of both types of experiment. In an important sense, the history of learning theories is a succession of attempts to specify the relation between the outcomes of the two types of experiment.

 

Most learning theorists have attempted to reduce the outcomes of these two experimental procedures to a common underlying learning principle. Such attempts led to a period of vigorous experimenting, in order to see which of several competing theories of learning would survive the data of both conditioning and training experiments. Pavlov’s (1932), Hull’s (1943), Tolman’s (1932) and Guthrie’s (1985) theories are well enough known in the history of learning theory to excuse us from detailed discussion of them. Suffice to say, these single-process theories challenged each other during the period 1980—1950. Then, in recent years, interest in the all-encompassing, “single, sovereign principle” theories declined as Es more and more explained their findings in terms of limited, more specific “miniature models.” Thus, for example, theories of the partial reinforcement effect have multiplied and have been refined to account for a single phenomenon rather than all learning phenomena. In the same way, theories of extinction have proliferated, until now there are at least seven distinct accounts of the phenomenon. Grand theory testing, in the sense of seeking a crucial experimental test of whole theoretical systems, has clearly subsided.

 

In contrast, two-process learning theory has persisted as a systematic influence since 1928, and interest in it has increased rather than decreased. Lacking the elegance and simplicity of a postulated, single learning process and the parsimony of a single reinforcement principle, as well as the proselytizing influence of a vigorous “school of thought,” two-process learning theory nevertheless has been a major heuristic tool in the stimulation of new conditioning and training experiments.

 

HISTORY

 

How did two-process learning theory arise, and what stages of development has it undergone? Two Polish investigators, Konorski and Miller, stated in 1928 that the facts of Pavlovian conditioning and Thorndikian learning required the postulation of two underlying associative processes for adequate explanation; the facts of one could not be explained by the inferred processes of the other (Miller & Konorski, 1928). They distinguished between responses yielding rich sensory feedback and those yielding little or no sensory feedback. They assumed that Pavlovian conditioned reflexes yield poor sensory or proprioceptive feedback; but, in contrast, Thorndikian response learning involves extensive and intricate feedback mechanisms. The associative processes operating for responses with poor feedback were postulated to be those of an S—S nature: the linking of afferent processes set up by the conditioned stimulus (CS) and the unconditioned stimulus (US). In contrast, for responses yielding rich feedback, the feedback itself was postulated to be a part of the associative process, and subjects (Ss) learn an S—R relationship only insofar as the feedback from R is distinctive and powerful. There was, however, no postulation of a law of effect for such feedback-rich responses (Miller & Konorski, 1928).

 

Thorndike (1932) believed that Pavlovian conditioned reflexes do not reflect the general laws of ordinary trial-and-error learning. Perhaps, he speculated, Pavlovian conditioned responses(CRs) are a special case of some subclass of learning? Writing in this vein in the early l930s, Thorndike had, however, no alter native to his own law of effect to propose in order to account for Pavlovian phenomena. Relegating such phenomena to a limited subclass did not solve the theoretical problem, and he can didly said so.

 

Skinner (1935) arrived at a two-experiment and two-response classification, emphasizing that the operations of E differ between the Pavlovian and Thorndikian experiment. He proposed that there are two types of conditioned reflex, Type S and Type R, and two types of response, the operant and respondent. However, Skinner did not postulate two separate associative processes to explain the two sets of conditioning facts, nor did he infer two distinctly different theoretical reinforcement processes for them. His distinction between the respondent and the operant paralleled, but was not identical to, Miller and Konorski’s (1928) distinction between poor and elaborated feedback.

 

Konorski and Miller felt that Skinner’s distinction was superficial. In 1937, they argued that Skinner had not completely specified all of the differences between the two types of conditioned reflexes, and they pointed out that Skinner’s operant conditioned reflex “. . is confined exclusively to striped muscles, while the classical type has no restrictions laid on effectors and includes among them, besides striped muscles, smooth muscles and glands [Konorski Sc Miller, l937b, p. 271].” They further argued that:

“Being a glandular reaction, salivation cannot by any means be made a conditioned reaction of the new type [p. 271].” Konorski and Miller were thus speculating that respondents cannot be brought under the control of the law of effect.

It is one matter to argue that temporal contingency between CS and US onsets is sufficient for conditioning, or that the response-reward temporal contingency is sufficient for instrumental learning. Here, however, Konorski and Miller were arguing for a strong two-process law: that the contingency sufficient for law of effect learning cannot reinforce a CS—CR relationship of the Pavlovian type. Though the converse was not stated at the time, we might suppose that Konorski and Miller believed it to be so (i.e., instrumental responses cannot be conditioned by a Pavlovian procedure). Their emphasis was on Pavlovian conditioning, and, indeed, they anticipated Mowrer (1947) in thinking that Pavlovian CRs might strongly influence instrumental responding; however, they did not have in mind a concept like that of mediation.

 

The first explicit statement of a complete two-process learning theory came in 1937, in a paper by Schlosberg entitled, “The Relationship between Success and the Laws of Conditioning.” This paper was the basis for most of the more recent elaborations of two-process learning theory. In it, Schlosberg distinguished between (a) the experimenter operations of Pavlovian conditioning and Thorndikian training, (b) the postulated associative processes set up by the two different procedures, and (c) the theoretical reinforcement mechanisms appropriate for the two processes. He argued that the empirical laws of Pavlovian conditioning implied that the associations formed are those between stimulus-related or contiguous perceptual processes, and that the reinforcement mechanism is brought into play by the initiation of a US. He further claimed that the empirical laws of Pavlovian conditioning are the laws of conditioning of diffuse, preparatory responses of an emotional type. In contrast, he stated that the empirical laws of Thorndikian learning imply that the major associative process is that linking stimulus and precise, adaptive, motor response, and that the reinforcement process is that of “success” or an improvement of the hedonic state of the S.

 

Actually, even though Schlosberg was aware of Konorski and Miller’s two-response idea, Skinner’s operant and respondent, and Type S and Type R conditioning procedures, he was much more influenced by W. J. Brogden’s 1936 APA paper than he was by the published papers of Konorski and Miller and of Skinner. Brogden, at that time, reported on the work later to be incorporated into the article by Brogden, Lipman, and Culler (1938), the widely cited work showing that omission of shock could reinforce running by guinea pigs in a running wheel, in contrast to the poor and unreliable running obtained with a Pavlovian, inevitable presentation of the shock. Brogden suggested that the underlying reinforcing mechanism for Pavlovian conditioning might be different from that for Thorndikian learning. He contrasted forepaw conditioning, relatively successful with a Pavlovian procedure, with the conditioning of running, relatively unsuccessful with a Pavlovian procedure, and speculated about possible theoretical reasons for such a discrepancy.

 

Schlosberg developed a novel theoretical explanation for the discrepancy. He pointed out that some diffuse motor responses are composed of reflexes within an emotionality pattern. These are conditionable only by Pavlovian methods. If one tries to make use of such motor responses as operants, one will not be able to train them as such because the law of effect will not “work” with such reflexes. Pavlov’s laws will. (Konorski & Miller, l937a, 1937b, at about the same time, made the same claim about visceral, glandular reflexes.)

 

Schlosberg’s (1937) clearly stated two-process theory was listened to, digested, and acknowledged. Yet it did not effectively enter into the arena of the theory-testing giants, those single-process theories struggling against each other during the 1930s and 1940s. There was no two-process “school” to match the Hullian, Yale-Iowa group, or the Tolmanian group at Berkeley, or the Guthrie group at the University of Washington. Instead, due note of the reasonableness of the two-process idea appeared here and there, in sporadic fashion. For example, Hilgard and Marquis (1940) in their influential book, Conditioning and Learning, distinguished between classical and instrumental conditioning, preferring to use the term “conditioning” for both the Pavlovian and Thorndikian experiment. Maier and Schnierla (1942) espoused a distinction between two acquisition processes, but preferred to classify the Pavlovian processes as those for perceptual reorganization and the Thorndikian processes as those for biologically adaptive behavior. Later Tuttle (1946), in a rarely cited paper, argued for the existence of associative conditioning and law of effect learning as two completely distinct processes. Birch and Bitterman (1949) noted the usefulness of the two-process distinctions.

 

Mowrer (1947) published what was at the time the longest, most tightly reasoned, and most persuasive argument for two- process theory. He added precision to Schlosberg’s (1937) specifications, refined the theoretical relationships between inferred processes and experimental operations, and developed the conception of CRs as motivational mediators of instrumental responding. Mowrer argued that the laws of Pavlovian conditioning are applicable only to visceral responses. The Thorndikian law of effect applies only to the training of skeletal motor responses. The specific controlling relationship for the establishment of conditioned emotional reactions is the temporal contiguity between CS onset and US onset. (US termination conditions are irrelevant to this process.) Mowrer called this process the problem-posing process. Previously neutral environmental events come to have the conditioned power to evoke visceral responses. These visceral responses create emotional and motivational tensions which then must be resolved by problem solving behavior. The problem-solving is done by skeletal motor responses alone, as reinforced by drive-reduction (in Mowrer’s terms, reduction of visceral tension-states). Therefore, conditioned reflexes are powerful mediators of instrumental responses. Mowrer argued that, in signalized avoidance experiments, the CS and US are paired on early trials, and this established CS anxiety, a type of conditioned fear. The anxiety has the properties earlier assigned to it by Miller (1941); that is, it is both a response and an acquired drive. As a response, it is a pattern of conditioned visceral reactions. The drive properties come from response-produced feedback stimulation arising from visceral reactions. Therefore, if CRs can produce drive, they can strongly influence instrumental responses. The more intense the conditioned anxiety, the more vigorous are avoidance responses, and the shorter are their latencies in the presence of fear. producing CSs. The more drive-arousing the CS, the more reinforcing would be a response that terminated the CS. Avoidance responses are reinforced by anxiety-reduction. Thus did Mowrer provide both a motivational and a reinforcement principle for avoidance learning. Although Mowrer believed that the mediational principles would apply to appetitive CRs and reward learning, he did not develop this idea, perhaps because at that time the relevant observations were missing.

 

Because Mowrer’s mediational hypotheses were so important in the development of and testing of two-process theory, we shall emphasize the experiments relevant to them. Slight modifications and expansions were made by other investigators, but the major ideas remained, and they served as the basis for a large number of experiments appearing in the 1950s, experiments which presented grave problems for all of the single-process theories (see Solomon & Brush, 1956).

 

Then some notable desertions from single-process learning theory occurred. Tolman (1949) argued that there might be as many as six kinds of learning, each with its own reinforcement principle. Spence (1956) acknowledged the possibility that there might be two reinforcement processes, one for instrumental learning and one for classical conditioning. However, Spence turned things around. He tentatively suggested that if he were to adopt a two-process theory, he would argue that classical conditioning is a habit acquired by reinforcement of an appetitional or aversive sort, whereas instrumental learning is acquired by contiguity principles without a specific reinforcing event. Spence’s important idea from our particular point of view was the postulation of a mediational relationship between the Pavlovian, conditioned and instrumental responding. This mediational process is the appetitive counterpart of Mowrer’s description of aversively motivated behavior.

 

The manifestations of two-process learning theory have recently become difficult to follow. On the one hand, we have Spence’s view of two-process theory, arguing that Pavlovian conditioning is reinforced by the law of effect. On the other hand, heavily influenced by Schlosberg (1937), Solomon and Wynne (1954) extended Mowrer’s (1947) postulates to cover the conditioning of skeletal-motor reflexes by Pavlovian processes, rather than confining Pavlovian conditioning to visceral responses. In other respects, Solomon and Wynne (1954) and Solomon and Brush (1956) have held faithfully to the Schlosberg-Mowrer concepts, and their experiments have been guided by these concepts. Yet, in contrast, Mowrer himself has steadily abandoned his original two-process conception of learning. In the most recent statement of his position, Mowrer (1960) has proposed a learning theory which employs only one underlying learning process with two major types of reinforcing event. Although Mowrer continues to call this a “two-factor” theory, it clearly does not involve two learning processes in the same sense as do previous theories. This latest version of Mowrer’s theory has not yet been widely used to generate new types of experimentation. In contrast, the number of experiments instigated by the Schlosberg-Mowrer type of two- process theory has increased steadily. It is this latter type of two-process theory that we shall discuss in detail.

 

THE SCOPE OF THIS PAPER

 

In this paper we analyze the two major questions posed by various two-process learning theories: (a) Are there two acquisition processes, a conditioning process and a learning process, each with its own set of distinct laws? (b) Does the conditioning process serve a mediating function in the control of instrumentally learned responses?

 

Our main emphasis will be upon the second, mediational, question. In examining the mediation role of conditioning processes in the control of instrumentally learned responses, we will discuss two major research strategies: (a) The first is the concomitant measurement of Pavlovian CRs and instrumental responses during the course of acquisition and extinction of instrumental behavior. The question of interest here is to what degree the two classes of behavior are correlated. (b) The interaction of independently established Pavlovian CSs with instrumental behavior and the effectiveness of such CSs in controlling that behavior. In assessing both of these research strategies we concentrate upon the role of Pavlovian conditioning processes in evoking instrumental behavior. The establishment of reinforcers of behavior by Pavlovian processes is beyond the scope of this paper.

 

Although the mediational question is our main concern, it seems appropriate to deal first with the logically prior question of whether there are really two kinds of learning. It is obviously not possible to deal with this vastly complex question in all of its ramifications; however, in the next section we do attempt to lay out a logical framework within which the question can be answered.

 

ARE THERE TWO ACQUISITION

PROCESSES?

 

A variety of two-process theories have been mentioned in the previous section. In attempting to specify the domain of the two processes, each theory has made a number of logical and empirical assertions. This section attempts a classification of the distinctions drawn by two-process theories and attempts to specify the kinds of evidence that may be taken as supporting the proposition that there are two acquisition processes. We will not attempt an exhaustive review of the relevant literature; rather we wish to make explicit the logical structure of the evidence that would be relevant to the two-process proposition.

 

All two-process theories emphasize the basic operational difference between the Thorndikian and Pavlovian experiment. In the former, E’s presentation of the reinforcer is dependent upon the organism’s behavior, but in the latter it is independent of that behavior. In Pavlovian conditioning the reinforcement is made contingent upon the occurrence of a stimulus; in instrumental training it is made contingent upon the occurrence of an arbitrarily selected response.

 

In general, this operational distinction has not been thought sufficient to justify by itself the assertion of two different learning processes. Theorists have felt that only if the difference between response-contingent (instrumental) and stimulus-contingent (Pavlovian) reinforcement has important implications for the way in which behavior is modified would we want to identify these two operations with different underlying processes. Therefore, the assertion of two separate learning processes has rested upon an assumed interaction between reinforcement contingency and other variables in producing behavior change. In particular, two-process theories have pointed to three sets of such variables (a) response class, (b) reinforcement class, and (c) characteristics of the products of learning. The claim is that the class of responses affected, the effective reinforcers, and the results of learning, all depend upon whether response- or stimulus-contingencies are employed.

 

Response Distinctions

 

Theorists have tried to separate those responses subject to modification by stimulus- and response-contingencies in a variety of different ways. Some of the proposed response distinctions have been: (a) ANS (visceral or glandular) responses as contrasted with somatic (skeletal) responses (Mowrer, 1947); (b) operant (emitted) responses as contrasted with respondent (elicited) responses (Skinner, 1938); (c) voluntary responses versus involuntary responses (Schlosberg, 1937) ; (d) so-called “light- weight” responses as contrasted with “heavy-weight” responses (Miller & Konorski, 1928; Osgood, 1953); (e) diffuse, emotional responses as against precise, adaptive responses (Schlosberg, 1937) ; and (f) responses high in reflexiveness as contrasted with those low in reflexiveness (Turner & Solomon, 1962).

 

We do not wish to review in detail the evidence for and against the ability of each of these distinctions to discriminate between responses subject to modification by the two reinforcement contingencies. Instead, we will take as an example the autonomic-skeletal distinction to illustrate the logic and problems of testing the propositions of two-process theory. The autonomic-skeletal distinction has the advantage of being the easiest distinction to make with precision.

 

The assertion central to some versions of two-process theory is that skeletal responses are subject to instrumental reinforcement contingencies but not to Pavlovian reinforcement contingencies, while autonomic responses are only subject to Pavlovian contingencies. it is worth pointing out that the autonomic-skeletal distinction is typical of all response-class distinctions in relating response classes and reinforcement contingencies in a one- to-one manner. This particular form of interaction between response class and reinforcement contingency is, however, not a logical requirement of the two-process approach. The separation of response classes would be no less important if, for example, several classes of responses were subject to modification by one reinforcement contingency while only one class contained responses affected also by the other contingency.

 

Thus the question of theoretical interest is whether any autonomic responses are subject to instrumental training procedures and whether any skeletal responses are subject to modification by Pavlovian conditioning procedures. If both of these possibilities occur, we cannot rely on the interaction of reinforcement contingency with the autonomic-skeletal distinction to justify the theoretical separation of the effects of stimulus- and response- contingent reinforcement.

At least three skeletal responses have been successfully brought under the control of Pavlovian procedures. Schlosberg (1928) found patellar reflex conditioning in humans; a number of investigators have demonstrated conditioned paw flexion indogs (e.g., Konorski & Szwejsowska, 1956); and human eyelid conditioning has become a standard procedure for the investigation of acquisition processes. However, in trying to interpret these results we meet a problem typical of attempts to bring under Pavlovian control responses in any class supposedly not subject to Pavlovian conditioning. We must be able to assure ourselves that unwanted response-contingencies are not producing the results. There is a common way in which such contingencies often enter; occurrence of the CR may influence the effect of the US, thus converting presumed Pavlovian to actual instrumental contingencies. For example, the inevitable occurrence of the shock US to a dog’s paw may be less aversive when the paw is in a flexed position. Schlosberg (1937) was the first to discuss this kind of possibility in detail. The typical way of dealing with this problem is to try to arrange a situation in which such an argument seems, at a common-sense level, implausible. However, an alternative procedure would be to give S the choice (following conditioning) between (a) presenting himself with the CS (and thus the CR) followed by the US or (b) presenting himself with the US alone (or followed by the CS). Presumably, if the role of the CR in altering the effect of the US is important, a clear preference would be demonstrated. A similar design has been suggested for this purpose by Wagner (1966) who used it to detect instrumental reinforcement in cortical conditioning experiments. Without this kind of evidence we must reserve judgment on supposed demonstrations of the Pavlovian conditioning of skeletal responses.

 

There is also evidence suggesting that autonomic responses can come under response-contingent control. Although Mowrer (1938) and Skinner (1938) reported failure to train autonomic responses instrumentally, more recent investigators have reported success. Fowler and Kimmel (1962), Kimmel and Kimmel (1963) and Crider, Shapiro, and Tursky (1966) have all reported successful instrumental training of the galvanic skin response (GSR). Lisina (reported by Razran, 1961) trained vasodilation as an escape response, and Shearn (1962) obtained suggestive evidence that heart-rate changes can be used as avoidance responses. Although Sheffield (1965) found the’ salivary response insensitive to instrumental contingencies, using food as the reinforcer, Miller and Carmona (1967) were able to reinforce salivary responses in thirsty dogs when water was used as the reinforcer.

 

The interpretative problem that arises in this sort of experiment concerns the need to rule out mediating operants. We must be sure that some unnoticed skeletal response is not being learned and is not directly producing the observed autonomic changes. The most effective argument against this possibility would be the successful replication of these experiments while S is immobilized by curare agents. This type of experiment has recently been reported. Trowill (1967) and Miller and DiCara (1967) produced heart-rate changes in curarized rats using positive brain stimulation as the instrumental reinforcer. Birk, Crider, Shapiro, and Tursky (1966) partially curarized a human S and were able to produce GSR changes using instrumental avoidance contingencies. And yet there is the disturbing possibility that even the use of curare agents may not permit us to rule out operant mediators. Curare only precludes peripheral skeletal mediators and allows central responses to occur. Thus, even while paralyzed, a human can think of emotional events which will reflexly produce peripheral respondent events. It is not at all clear whether such “thoughts,” or brain events which are clearly subject to response-contingent reinforcement, should be considered to be “skeletal” or not. Possibly the distinction is better made between types of brain events than between types of peripheral nervous system association.

 

These brief comments give an idea of the logic and problems involved in testing the assertion that the autonomic-skeletal distinction is identical with the distinction between responses subject to modification by stimulus- and response-contingencies.

 

The kinds of experiments and problems generated by other response-class distinctions are similar. The most frequently mentioned of these other distinctions is the operant-respondent distinction. According to Skinner (1938, pp. 20, 21) “behavior that is correlated with specific eliciting stimuli may be called respondent behavior . . .“ (elicited behavior) and an operant is identified by the fact that “no correlated stimulus can be detected upon occasions when it is observed to occur” (emitted behavior). A two-process position then asserts that respondents are subject only to stimulus-contingencies and operants can only be taught by response-contingent reinforcement. One can then attempt to test these notions, as in the case of the autonomic-skeletal distinction.

 

The operant-respondent distinction raises special problems of its own. Although, for many common responses, there is no practical difficulty in identifying which are operants and which are respondents, there are, unfortunately, cases where this is extremely difficult. Many responses seem at times to be operants and at other times to be respondents. This observation suggested to Turner and Solomon (1962) that we examine a continuous dimension, which they called “reflexiveness,” on which operants and respondents are located. This modification of two-process theory claims that the relative effectiveness of response- and stimulus-contingent reinforcement would vary along this response dimension, each contingency being maximally effective at one end; it has yet to receive any extensive empirical analysis.

The two remaining, commonly made, response-class distinctions are very difficult to make empirically. Schlosberg suggested that responses subject to stimulus-contingencies were “preparatory-diffuse” responses while those affected by response-contingencies were “precise-adaptive” responses. The other response- class distinction is that between voluntary and involuntary behavior. Reliable ways of distinguishing between these latter types of behavior are few. One suspects that attempts to classify responses into voluntary and involuntary are not entirely independent of reinforcement-contingency distinctions. Thus, the most reasonable objective criterion of whether or not a response is voluntary may be just whether or not it is subject to modification by response-contingent reinforcement contingencies. If a response- contingent reinforcement procedure will not modify a response, it is involuntary.

Although these different categorizations of response are far from identical, they all seem to be attempting to embody the idea that behavior subject to modification through instrumental contingencies is somehow “freer,” more varied, and “adaptive,” while the responses which are conditionable by Pavlovian procedures are more “rigid,” more “specialized,” and more automatic or “reflexive.” In general, many results support this correlation between response-class and reinforcement contingency. However, consider- ably more analytic experiments are needed before a precise statement about the nature of the response-class distinction involved can be made.

 

Reinforcement Class

 

Instead of asking whether the class of responses subject to modification varies with type of reinforcement contingency, one can ask whether the events which serve as reinforcers differ when response- and stimulus-contingent delivery of reinforcement are used. Clearly, reinforcers for Pavlovian conditioning experiments are closely related to reinforcers for instrumental training. For example, food serves both as a US for the conditioning of salivation through stimulus-contingent reinforcement and as a reward for the training of bar-pressing through response-contingent reinforcement. But are there reinforcers which will function only in conjunction with one or the other contingency?

 

Two-process theories have generated several theoretical attempts to specify differences between reinforcement classes. Both Schlosberg (1937) and Mowrer (1947) have argued that the reinforcement event for instrumental training must have some affective character but, in contrast, the simple contingency of CS and US is sufficient for Pavlovian conditioning. In the instrumental case, the reinforcer must be pleasant or unpleasant, whereas for Pavlovian conditioning it is sufficient that the reinforcer regularly elicit the unconditioned response (UR). But such a characterization is probably not precise enough to be helpful. Even our intuitive notions of affect seem strained by such instrumental reinforcers as light onset (Kiernan, 1964) or the opportunity to run in a running wheel (Hundt & Premack, 1963). It is equally easy, in the case of almost all Pavlovian reinforcers, to become convinced that they produce a modicum of affect.

 

An alternative specification of the difference between instrumental and Pavlovian reinforcers has been suggested by Mowrer (1947): Instrumental reinforcers are drive-reducers, whereas Pavlovian reinforcers do not necessarily reduce drives and, indeed, may even increase drive level. A typical example of the latter is Pavlovian fear conditioning, for which there is now excellent evidence (Mowrer & Aiken, 1954; Mowrer & Solomon, 1954; Overmier, 1966) that the effective US is shock onset, a drive-increasing stimulus. Unfortunately, there is no guarantee that all instrumental reinforcers are drive-reducing; indeed, many exam- pies of reinforcers (brain stimulation, light onset, novelty, etc.) strain this notion. Furthermore, such drive inducers as shock onset are often instrumental reinforcers—albeit negative ones (punishers). Thus the notion of drive-reduction does not seem helpful in separating Pavlovian and instrumental reinforcers.

 

Perhaps a more fruitful, if more limited, approach is simply to examine empirically the degree to which the two classes of reinforcers overlap. “Reinforcer” is used here in both the positive and negative sense, that is, punishers are instrumental reinforcers, and Pavlovian CRs involving reduction in behavioral output are treated in the same way as those involving increment. Thus, in order to demonstrate that a given stimulus reinforces when used with one contingency, and does not do so when used with the other contingency, it is not sufficient to show that it has incremental effects in one case and decremental effects in the other. We here require that a stimulus have no effects when used with one contingency or the other. Of course, it is necessary to employ appropriate control procedures in making this assessment. A particular stimulus may have nonassociative effects upon a response which are not dependent upon the particular coritingency with which it is used. Thus, to show that a given stimulus is an effective reinforcer in stimulus-contingent presentation, it is necessary to demonstrate, through appropriate control procedures, that the changes which it produces depend upon the contingency arranged. The problem of control procedures for Pavlovian conditioning has been discussed in detail by Rescorla (l967b). Similarly, to demonstrate that a stimulus is a reinforcer when used in a response-contingent fashion requires suitable control procedures.

 

It seems likely, as has been implied by the various theoretical attempts to separate the two kinds of reinforcers, that the class of Pavlovian reinforcers is larger than that of instrumental reinforcers, and in fact includes as a subclass the set of events which serve as instrumental reinforcers. With this in mind, we may ask whether there is any stimulus event which will reinforce behav ior when made contingent upon prior stimulus presentation but not when made contingent upon a response. Unfortunately, this question, though basic to the two-process approach, seems to have received relatively little direct experimental attention; but there are a few hints available. One of the earliest USs to be used in Pavlovian conditioning was a tap on the patellar tendon; there is considerable evidence that this is an adequate stimulus to establish a Pavlovian conditioned knee-jerk (e.g., Schlosberg, 1928). Yet, if the US is administered properly, Ss report being “neutral” toward it. It would be of considerable interest to see whether this patellar tap could be used to reinforce instrumental behavior in a situation comparable to that in which it conditions the knee- jerk. A second, promising source of “pure” Pavlovian reinforcers is the class of interoceptive USs described by Bykov (1957). Many of the internal USs used to produce Pavlovian conditioning would most likely go completely unnoticed in an instrumental training situation. However, we do not yet know whether or not such internal USs can serve as instrumental reinforcers. This would certainly be an important type of investigation to pursue.

 

Another example comes closer to fulfilling our experimental requirements. Doty and Giurgea (1961) have recently provided considerable evidence that direct stimulation of the motor cortex will serve as a US for limb-flexion conditioning. Yet, when the same US is made contingent upon ongoing operant behavior, in many cases it produces no change in that behavior. Although one would like similar demonstrations with a large number of operants, the Doty and Giurgea findings indicate that this type of brain stimulation is indeed a Pavlovian reinforcer with no instrumental rewarding or punishing properties. Likewise, Malmo (1965) has reported a few cases of septal stimulation which serve as USs for heart-rate conditioning in rats but which will not maintain operant bar-pressing.

 

However, recent evidence presented by Wagner (1966) indicates the presence of instrumental reinforcement in such experiments. Paw flexion was conditioned in dogs, using a motor center brain stimulation as US. When the CS was presented, the dogs appeared to be positioning themselves in such a way as to modify the effect of the US. When the dogs were later given a choice between signaled and unsignaled presentations of the US, they chose the signaled US. This indicates that this type of experiment may not be a pure case of Pavlovian conditioning.

 

Finally, experiments directed toward examination of sensory preconditioning (which fits the Pavlovian, stimulus contingency paradigm) provide some support for the separation of Pavlovian and instrumental reinforcers. Unfortunately, such experiments have failed to include direct evidence that the neutral “US” used for the sensory preconditioning is not also an instrumental reinforcer. Furthermore, the demonstration that sensory preconditioning has actually occurred is often less than convincing.

 

We can only conclude that the evidence on the overlap of Pavlovian and instrumental reinforcers is scanty. Despite the fact that most Pavlovian reinforcers seem also to be instrumental rewards or punishments, the evidence does imply that the overlap is not complete. To the degree that Pavlovian and Thorndikian reinforcers are different, a two-process theory receives strong support. Clearly, this is one of the most exciting areas of research suggested by a two-process theory of learning, and considerable work remains to be done.

 

Characteristics of the Learned Behavior

 

It is often thought that the product of the learning process differs across stimulus- and response-reinforcement contingencies. Several attempts have been made to specify how the result of learning is different in the Pavlovian and Thorndikian experiments.

 

S—S versus S—R connections. The first distinction is theoretical. Both Schlosberg (1937) and Maier and Schneirla (1942) believed that Pavlovian conditioning procedures established S—S connections; at the same time they suggested that instrumental learning consists of acquired S—R bonds. Other authors have made similar claims in describing conditioning as stimulus-substitution and instrumental learning as response-substitution (Hilgard & Marquis, 1940). Both of these distinctions arise as direct consequences of the contingencies of reinforcement which E arranges; however, they imply that a difference beyond that of experimental manipulation is involved.

 

Two types of experiment have been thought to bear on these theoretical distinctions. First, a number of investigators have shown that Pavlovian conditioning is possible even when peripheral responding has been prevented. Salivary conditioning is possible when salivation is blocked by atropine (Crisler, 1930; Finch, 1938) and Pavlovian fear conditioning occurs while S is paralyzed by curare (Solomon & Turner, 1962) - To the degree that the S—R bond is conceived to require peripheral skeletal responding for its establishment, the S—S alternative is favored for Pavlovian conditioning.

The second line of evidence stems from the use of direct motor-cortex stimulation as a US for Pavlovian conditioning. Loucks’ (1935) failure to obtain conditioning using such a US was taken as evidence that Pavlovian conditioning involves S—S connections. However, Brogden and Gantt (1937) obtained conditioning with direct stimulation of the cerebellum as the US. And Doty and Giurgea (1961) were able to obtain Pavlovian conditioning with electrical stimulation of the motor-cortex as the US. If the S—S and S—R notions are given physiological interpretation as sensory- and motor-cortex connections, this result suggests that Pavlovian conditioning may not be S—S in nature. We can conclude that the present evidence does not support a sharp distinction between Pavlovian conditioning and instrumental training in terms of hypothetical S—S and S—R connections.

 

Similarity of CR and UR. Greater similarity of the CR to the UR is often mentioned as setting Pavlovian conditioning apart from instrumental learning. However, the CR is by no means identical with the UR, even for Pavlovian conditioning; indeed, many have suggested that the CR is preparatory for the US or that it is a fractional part of the UR. But there is a gross similarity of the CR and UR in Pavlovian conditioning, at least to the extent that they usually involve the same response system. This is in general not true in instrumental training situations, where, for example, the response may be bar-pressing, which bears no fixed relation to the UR, ingestion of a food pellet.

 

It is possible that the more valuable distinction here rests in the relation of the CR to the US. Skinner has pointed out that in Pavlovian conditioning, once the US is selected, E is no longer free to select the CR at will (except in the trivial sense that he chooses to ignore parts of the behavior pattern). In instrumental training, selection of the US does not uniquely determine the CR which is acquired; E is free to select arbitrarily the response he will reinforce. Thus, it may be that the apparent CR—UR relationship results from the added constraint which selection of the US places upon Pavlovian conditioning but not upon instrumental training. The US may uniquely determine both the UR and the Pavlovian CR, even though the learned and unlearned responses are quite different.

 

Sensitivity to parametric variations. Finally, the Pavlovian CR may differ from the instrumentally trained response in its sensitivity to a variety of parametric variations. In general, as Kimble (1961) points out, there is a striking resemblance in the reaction of the two kinds of learning to such variables as amount of reinforcement, delay of reinforcement, etc. However, Kimble suggests one possible difference. Instrumentally trained responses consistently show greater resistance to extinction following partial reinforcement; this may not be the case for Pavlovian CRs. The evidence on this point is far from clear-cut. However, a sharp difference in the sensitivity of Pavlovian conditioned responses and instrumental behavior to such a parametric variation would give strong support to the distinctions of two-process theories. The investigation of such parameters seems to us to be a fruitful area for future research.

 

Conclusion

 

We have argued that the basic operational distinction between response- and stimulus-contingent reinforcement may interact with various other variables in such a way as to justify the claim that two independent processes are acting. In general, the results relevant to such interactions are still inadequate. Our attempt therefore has been not so much to marshal all the evidence in support of such interactions as to point out the kinds of evidence which would be relevant. The questions we have raised here have often not received explicit experimental attention, although to our minds these are basic questions in the study of behavior modification.

 

EXPERIMENTAL APPROACHES

GENERATED BY

TWO-PROCESS THEORY

 

In addition to asserting the existence of two independent acquisition processes, two-process theories have postulated interrelationships between the two processes in the control of behavior. They usually assert that Pavlovian CRs serve as mediators of instrumental behavior, functioning as either instigators or reinforcers. Such assumptions have given rise to two research strategies: (a) concurrent measurement of the development and maintenance of conditioned reflexes and instrumental responses within instrumental learning situations; and (b) testing the interaction between separately conducted Pavlovian conditioning contingencies and instrumental contingencies in the control of instrumental behavior.

 

It should be mentioned at the outset that the claim that instrumental behavior is mediated by Pavlovian CRs is by no means a unitary theoretical idea. As is pointed out below, different theorists have emphasized different aspects of the mediational process. But their ideas also differ on the precise role that CRs play in mediating instrumental behavior. Some propose that the observed CR itself, or sensory feedback from it, is an event which elicits and/or reinforces a particular instrumental act. In this case, the research strategy is to seek out and vary those particular CRs which one suspects are mediating the instrumental behavior. As we will conclude below, this approach does not seem to have been a fruitful one, because the attempts to find specific mediating CRs have been generally without success. A more viable claim is that operant behavior is mediated by a complex of CRs, both autonomic and skeletal; no one of these may be necessary for operant behavior, but each contributes to that behavior. This position suggests an extension of the concurrent measurement research strategy to the study of more complex CRs.

 

Still another position is that the observed Pavlovian CRs are not themselves mediators of instrumental behavior but rather are merely an index of a central nervous system state which does mediate that behavior. This position leads to a research strategy reviewed in the final section of this paper.

 

It is often difficult to tell which of these positions an author intends when he describes the mediation of instrumental behavior by Pavlovian CRs, so it is well to keep these distinctions in mind.

 

CONCURRENT MEASUREMENT

PAVLOVIAN CONDITIONING AND

INSTRUMENTAL LEARNING

 

Any instrumental training situation has within it the conditions favoring the development of Pavlovian conditioned responses. In the discriminated operant paradigm there is a regular sequence of Sd and the reinforcement; in nondiscriminated operant behavior, feedback from various responses leading to reward is also regularly followed by reward. To the degree that the stimulus event maintaining the operant behavior is also a Pavlovian reinforcer, we would expect the development of Pavlovian CRs in addition to the acquisition of instrumental behavior. Given that’ food is both a Pavlovian and an instrumental reinforcer, we would expect that its use in an instrumental training situation would also lead to the development of Pavlovian CRs such as salivation, cardiac changes, licking, swallowing, etc.

 

However, two-process theories make the still stronger assertion that these Pavlovian CRs are somehow crucial to the maintenance of instrumental behavior. Two different mediational roles have been assigned to Pavlovian CRs. Some authors have emphasized their motivational role. This conception seems to have originated, at least for aversively motivated behavior, with Miller (1948), who postulated that emotional reactions become associated with previously neutral stimuli by the action of drive reduction. The emotional reactions give rise to immediate sensory feedback, having both cue and drive properties. Thus the “acquired drive state” is a complex of emotional reactions and then correlated perceptual events. Such mediators have been given either or both of two properties, motivational or reinforcing. The two-process theories of Spence (1956) and Mowrer (1947) have likewise emphasized the motivating function of conditioned reflexes, arguing that such CRs as salivation or cardiac change may reflect the level of motivation or incentive in instrumental training situations. Conditioned responses are assigned the role of instigators (or indexes of instigators) of instrumental behavior.

 

These theories, therefore, predict a close correspondence between the occurrence or nonoccurrence of Pavlovian CRs and the magnitude or probability of specific instrumental responses.

 

On the other hand, Konorski (1948), Soltysik (1963), and Mowrer (1960) have emphasized the rewarding functions of mediating respondents. Thus the reduction of heart-rate or the increase in salivary flow may be thought to reflect a state which is instrumentally rewarding. For these theories the important changes in conditioned reflexes reflect instrumental reinforcement and thus occur following instrumental behavior. Again, a close relation between conditioned reflexes and learned instrumental behavior is predicted.

 

The instigating and rewarding functions of conditioned reflexes in maintaining instrumental behavior are by no means incompatible. For instance, conditioned cardiac acceleration may reflect the motivation for an avoidance response while cardiac deceleration following the response may reflect a reward. This is roughly the picture of avoidance behavior which Mowrer (1947) drew. For appetitive behavior, it is not clear whether salivation should be treated as reflecting a motivating or a rewarding state; in the former case, we might expect salivation to precede the operant (Spence, 1956), while in the latter it should follow the operant (Konorski, 1948).

 

The dual role which two-process theories assign to conditioning processes leads naturally to an examination of the sequence of CRs and instrumental responses in instrumental training situations. One research strategy for studying these temporal sequences is to allow the normal instrumental sequence to be established while taking simultaneous measures of various CRs and operants.

 

The degree to which the various theories are bound by these predictions depends upon the precise role which the theory assigns to mediating CRs. In the preceding few paragraphs we have purposely been vague on this role, using such phrases as “the CR reflects a motivational state.” It is clear that a theory which claims that a particular CR or complex of CRs is itself mediating the instrumental behavior predicts a closer correspondence between the CR and instrumental behavior than does a theory which assigns to the CR the role of indexing a central mediator. Thus the experiments to be described below are particularly relevant to the view that the CR itself (or its associated feedback) is mediating the instrumental behavior.

 

Appetitive Behavior

 

It is probably no accident that the first experiment using the concurrent measurement technique was performed by Konorski and Miller (1930), who were the first to propose a two-process theory. They trained a dog to lift his paw when a signal sounded, in order to obtain food. They found a close relation between the occurrence of the paw movement and the magnitude of conditioned salivation. But for them the important finding was that the operant consistently preceded increased salivary flow. Working in Konorski’s laboratory some years later, Wolf (1963) found similar results using a fixed ratio (FR) schedule of reinforcement. These findings have been substantiated by similar results of Williams (1965) for FR, and of Shapiro (1961) and Kintsch and Witte (1962) for fixed interval (Fl) performance and extinction. In addition, Kintsch and Witte found that the characteristic Fl scallop developed prior to a similar temporal discrimination in the salivary response.

 

These studies suggest that, at least under some circumstances, conditioned salivation does not provide the essential motivating state which instigates operant behavior. Rather, they support the notion that operant behavior precedes (and possibly serves as a CS for) conditioned salivation. The observed temporal sequence of events is that predicted by Konorski’s (1948) notion that salivation indexes a state of excitation which serves to reinforce instrumental behavior.

 

But results inconsistent with this conclusion have also been obtained by Shapiro (1962), who trained dogs to obtain food by pressing a panel on a differential reinforcement of low rates (DRL) schedule. On this schedule, bursts of salivation regularly preceded the operant, even though the occurrence of the operant itself generally led to a further increment in salivation. Evidently the temporal sequence of CRs and instrumental behavior is not fixed, but depends upon the relations which the E arranges between instrumental response and reinforcement. A dramatic demonstration of this dependence is provided by Ellison and Konorski (1964). They trained dogs to panel-press on an FR, the completion of which initiated an 8-second waiting period at the end of which food was delivered. Using this technique, panel-pressing and salivation were kept almost completely separate temporally, the first occurring only during the FR requirement and the second only following its completion.

 

It thus appears that although salivation and operant behavior may bear a gross relation to each other in typical instrumental training situations, the details of this relation are not constant. Salivation consistently represents neither Spence’s rg nor Konorski’s alimentary excitation; salivation must neither precede nor consistently follow operant behavior in order for that behavior to be maintained.

 

Similar conclusions are in order for other “mediating” CRs. Both Soltysik (1960) and Wenzel (1961) have found a gross temporal correspondence between cardiac acceleration and performance on a motor response reinforced by food. Further, Soltysik found that cardiac acceleration occurred prior to the motor behavior, suggesting that it may be involved in instigating that behavior. But Wenzel found, upon administration of reserpine to her cats, that the heart-rate response was markedly reduced with no effect upon operant behavior. We need further research, detailing the relation between food-motivated behavior and conditioned cardiac changes; but at the present time the evidence does not suggest that cardiac changes are necessary mediators for operant behavior.

 

Another possible CR, licking, has been studied by Miller and DeBold (1965). Using a discriminated bar-press operant reinforced by intraoral liquid, and simultaneously measuring intraoral licking, these investigators found that although licking was more probable just prior to a bar-press than at other times, it was maximal just following an unreinforced bar-press. To the degree that the licking response is under the control of Pavlovian contingencies, this parallels the case of salivation; neither the notion that the operant leads to the respondent, nor the notion that the respondent must occur prior to the operant, can alone encompass the data. This empirical conclusion proves to be an interesting problem for those two-process theories that postulate the mediation of instrumental responses by action of peripheral Pavlovian CRs (and their associated feedback).

 

Aversive Behavior

 

Two-process theories of avoidance learning have typically ascribed motivating and rewarding properties to autonomic responses and their afferent feedback. In a standard, discriminative avoidance training situation, the pairing of a CS with electric shock leads to the development of a conditioned “fear” reaction. Increase in sensory feedback from that “fear” reaction is postulated to instigate the instrumental avoidance response while reduction in the feedback rewards it. Various CR indexes of this fear-state have been suggested: heart-rate increase, blood-pressure increase, pupillary dilation, GSR, defecation, urination, suppression of appetitive behavior, etc. If two-process conceptions of avoidance behavior are adequate, and if the various indexes of emotionality reflect adequately the level of conditioned fear, a close correspondence between the occurrence of instrumental avoidance behavior and these indexes is clearly predicted.

 

Some of the relations which two-process theories require are the following: (a) Conditioned fear should increase in the early stages of avoidance training; (b) acquisition of the fear reaction should precede acquisition of a reliable avoidance response, and extinction of the avoidance response should occur concurrently with, or follow, extinction of the fear reaction; (c) during avoidance responding, fear should be greater preceding successful avoidance responses than on other trials; (d) fear should decrease following the avoidance response; and finally (e) physiological manipulation such as administration of drugs or sympathectomy which may directly affect the level of conditioned autonomic responses should likewise indirectly affect the avoidance behavior.

 

The two most often used indexes of the conditioned fear reaction used to test these predictions are heart-rate and suppression of appetitive behavior (conditioned emotional response, or CER, technique) by a CS. The evidence on cardiac conditioning is more extensive, and we will examine it first.

 

1. Cardiac CRs—acquisition. Changes in cardiac responding during acquisition of an avoidance response provide some support for the two-process position. Both Gantt and Dykman (1957) using paw flexion and Black (1959) using a panel-press response found general increases in heart-rate during instrumental avoidance training in dogs. Furthermore, both reported the development of conditioned heart-rate increases during the 5d for the avoidance response. Typically, heart-rate conditioning occurred prior to acquisition of the avoidance reaction. But one of Black’s more detailed findings contradicts at least one form of a two-process position; maximum heart-rate occurred following the avoidance response, and it was only some seconds later that the rate declined. This is in disagreement with the two-process requirement of rapid reduction in fear as a reinforcement for the avoidance response. It may be that the influence of the skeletal avoidance movement and respiratory changes upon heart-rate makes cardiac change suspect as an index of conditioned fear in such situations. The possibility of artifact from movement is especially great when instrumental responses are required or possible.

 

Performance. The evidence relating heart-rate to avoidance behavior during continued performance of the avoidance response is conflicting. Soltysik (1960), using a paw-placement response with dogs, obtained results which fit quite closely with two-process predictions. In well-trained animals, an increase in heart- rate preceded the avoidance response and a decrease followed it. Furthermore, heart-rate CRs and avoidance responses were brought under parallel, discriminative stimulus control. The conditioned heart-rate was maintained through continued, long-term avoidance. In contrast to Black’s findings, Soltysik found that maximum heart-rate occurred prior to the avoidance response. The avoidance response was followed by sharp cardiac deceleration. Bersh, Notterman, and Schoenfeld (1956), in disagreement with Soltysik, found that with continued avoidance performance, human Ss showed no heart-rate acceleration to the Sd for avoidance. That is, avoidance behavior was maintained in the absence of conditioned fear, as indexed by cardiac acceleration. Using cats, which show cardiac deceleration as a CR when shock is the US, Wenzel (1961) found a gross relation between magnitudes of deceleration and the latency of a bar-press avoidance response. However, the introduction of reserpine left unaffected the conditioned cardiac deceleration although it disrupted the avoidance behavior. McCleary’s (1960) failure to demonstrate interocular transfer of avoidance responding in fish in spite of good interocular transfer of Pavlovian cardiac conditioning also questions the role of cardiac responses in the mediation of avoidance behavior.

 

Extinction. Several relations have been found between heartrate and avoidance responding during extinction of the avoidance response. Gantt and Dykman (1957) found extinction of the instrumental response long before extinction of the cardiac CR. In contrast, Soltysik’s dogs showed parallel extinction of the cardiac CR and the avoidance response, including trial-by-trial correspondence. To further complicate matters, Black (1959) found more rapid extinction of the cardiac CR than of the instrumental response, and no relation between the rates of extinction for the cardiac CR and the avoidance response in individual Ss. Furthermore, Black (1958) found that extinction trials under curare facilitated extinction of the avoidance response without affecting that of the heart-rate CR.

 

It is clear that the relation between cardiac changes and avoidance behavior is not well understood. The sharp disagreements in findings suggest that the relation, if any really exists, is easily disturbed by yet unidentified variables. Most likely we have been naïve in selecting a single aspect of cardiovascular change as an index of conditioned “emotionality.” The cardiovascular system is a highly complex one with many self-regulatory mechanisms. To expect simple heart-rate changes, which are only a small portion of this system, to mirror adequately a state such as “fear” is to oversimplify hopelessly the operation of the cardiovascular system. When we apply stress to an organism, we affect not only the heart rate but also a number of other aspects of the circulatory system, such as blood pressure, peripheral vessel resistance, stroke volume, etc. Many of these have intricate interrelations such that they can compensate for and change the action of each other within a fraction of a second. It is clear that we cannot look at only heart rate in isolation, but must examine the entire cardiovascular system if we hope to establish a fruitful peripheral index of a motivational state.

2. Conditioned suppression. If a stimulus associated with the onset of shock is sounded while a hungry rat is pressing a bar to obtain food, it produces a marked decrement in bar-pressing. This is usually interpreted to mean that the stimulus has produced a CER which is incompatible with bar-pressing. This CER is not specified precisely, but is usually thought to be due to a pattern of Pavlovian CRs, identical to the conditioned fear reaction postulated by two-process theories of avoidance learning. Thus, the degree of conditioned suppression, like changes in the heart rate, can be used to assess the amount of fear elicited by the Sd from a signaled avoidance situation.

The suppression measure is not entirely unrelated to conditioned heart-rate changes. Stebbins and Smith (1964) found a positive relation between the occurrence of CER suppression and heart-rate acceleration in monkeys. But, more recently, deToledo and Black (1966) have found slower acquisition for cardiac CRs than for CER suppression in a simple Pavlovian conditioning situation.

 

Hoffman and Fleshier (1962) attempted concurrent measurement of avoidance behavior and conditioned suppression. While rats pedal-pushed for food, an avoidance Sd was sounded, during which they had to press a nearby bar to avoid shock. Suppression of pedal-pushing during the avoidance Sd was greater on successful avoidance trials, in agreement with two-process predictions. However, only with further training was conditioned suppression less following the avoidance response than it was during the Sd. Fear reduction, as indexed by conditioned suppression, did not seem to be the reinforcement for early avoidance responses.

 

Kamin, Brimer, and Black (1963) used a procedure similar to that of Hoffman and Fleshier. However, they separated the avoidance training and conditioned suppression situations. After training rats to various criteria of avoidance acquisition and extinction, Karnin et al. imposed the avoidance Sd upon food- motivated bar-pressing. They found that as extinction of the avoidance response proceeded, conditioned suppression was reduced. However, during avoidance acquisition, conditioned suppression produced by the avoidance Sd first increased and then decreased as avoidance training proceeded. If a conditioned fear reaction indexed by conditioned suppression was maintaining the avoidance behavior, this later result is difficult to understand. It is not entirely consistent with that of Hoffman and Fleshier who found continued conditioned suppression with long-term avoidance behavior. It may be that the suppression found by Hoffman and Fleshler resulted from the incompatibility of the avoidance response with the appetitive bar-press, rather than from some conditioned emotional state.

 

Like heart-rate changes, conditioned suppression does not reflect a mediating fear reaction in a manner completely consistent with two-process theories. However, there are two alternative interpretations of the CER experiments which might make the results compatible with a two-process description of avoidance learning. First, it may be that the role of the fear reaction in maintaining avoidance behavior is different from its role in the establishment and extinction of avoidance behavior. Thus the failure of a CS for a well-learned avoidance response to produce conditioned suppression may indicate that the CS is not producing fear in the avoidance situation and that the traditional two- process account of avoidance learning does not apply to maintained avoidance behavior. A second possibility is that the CER experiment is not an adequate index of the conditioned fear reaction. After all, there does not exist a closely reasoned account of the fact that the CER procedure produces suppression of the appetitively maintained operant. Why should we not instead find rate increases?

 

3. Physiological manipulations. Another method can be used to examine the interrelations between Pavlovian CRs and instrumental responses. If we suspect that a specific set of CRs is mediating instrumental behavior, we can simply eliminate those CRs and observe the effects upon the instrumental behavior. Solomon and his co-workers have pursued this line of research for various classes of CRs.

 

Using sympathectomized dogs, Wynne and Solomon (1955) have demonstrated that although removal of peripheral autonomic impairs avoidance learning, it does not prevent it; nor does such removal facilitate extinction of avoidance. Sympathectomy after avoidance learning does not impair performance in dogs. Presumably, sympathectomy combined with vagal blocking as used by Wynne and Solomon eliminates cardiac and blood- pressure changes. Following the same strategy, Auld (1951) usedtetraethylammonium (TEA) to block sympathetic autonomic nervous system (ANS) reactions, and found results perfectly paralleling those of Wynne and Solomon. There followed a long series of experiments, too numerous to describe here, in which barbiturates, autonomic blocking agents, stimulants, and tranquilizers were used to study the relationship between autonomic CRs and avoidance behavior. They did not importantly affect the conclusion that autonomic CRs are not necessary mediators of avoidance behavior.

 

Similarly, the transfer of Pavlovian fear conditioning from the curarized to the normal state, demonstrated by Solomon and Turner (1962) shows that peripheral skeletal CRs are not required for avoidance behavior. (These experiments are described in detail in the next section.) Both the sympathectomy and the curarization preparations eliminate broad classes of peripheral CRs as necessary mediators of avoidance behavior.

 

In summary, we have not yet identified any peripheral CRs which are necessary to mediate avoidance behavior. From this review of both aversively and appetitively motivated behavior, the simple idea that some peripherally observed CR is essential in the mediation of operant behavior seems implausible. In no case that we have studied does a peripheral CR seem to bear the required strong relation to the instrumental behavior. However, the two alternative views of the mediational process, (a) that a complex of autonomic and skeletal CRs is the mediator, and (b) that the peripheral CRs are simply indexes of central events, still seem to be reasonable. Both views permit some slippage between instrumental behavior and CRs. That we are not measuring complex enough peripheral behavior is difficult to refute; on the other hand, it is a relatively unattractive position because it suggests little that is new by way of experimentation except the recording of a larger number of CR measures.

 

However, consider a third view, (c), that what concomitance we do observe between instrumental behavior and peripheral CRs is due to mediation by a common central state. Then the concurrent measurement of instrumental behavior and Pavlovian CRs is not the optimal experimental strategy. Indeed, it becomes an irrelevant strategy.

 

Accepting the third view, then to find that a particular CR does not control operant behavior is hardly a refutation of a general two-process approach; indeed, it would be surprising if we should be able to select from the complex instrumental situation the few controlling CRs. Rather, the essential postulate of two process theory will then be that manipulation of Pavlovian conditioning procedures should have important effects upon instrumental behavior. Although we may not be able to identify the precise Pavlovian CRs which affect instrumental behavior, we can demonstrate that Pavlovian conditioning procedures exert strong influences over instrumental behavior in the absence of changes in instrumental contingencies. Such studies are reviewed in the next section.

 

MANIPULATION OF INSTRUMENTAL

BEHAVIOR BY SEPARATELY

CONDUCTED PAVLOVIAN

CONDITIONING PROCEDURES

 

It is one matter to lift Pavlovian concepts out of Pavlovian theory and experiments, as Hull and Spence did, and use them to explain instrumental behavior. It is quite another matter to employ the procedures of Pavlovian conditioning in order to influence already established, or to-be-established, instrumental behavior. The latter strategy is generated by two-process theory, because it assumes that Pavlovian conditioning and instrumental learning are two distinct processes, each governed by its own appropriate sets of operations and laws, and it is typified by the experiment of Solomon and Turner (1962). They avoidance- trained dogs in a panel-pressing apparatus with a visual Sd. The dogs were then completely paralyzed by d-tubocurarine, and were subjected to purely Pavlovian, discriminative conditioning procedures, with tone CSs and a shock US. When Ss were later tested in the panel-pressing apparatus, they retained their avoidance response to the visual Sd. In addition, they showed reliable panel- pressing responses to the tone paired with shock (CS+) during Pavlovian conditioning, but these responses were weak or absent when the tone not paired with shock (CS—) was presented. Thus, the postulated two processes were seen to interact in a particular way, such that the instrumental panel-pressing was immediately elicited by the introduction of a Pavlovian CS+, even though S had never before pressed a panel in the presence of CS+. This experiment can be analyzed in terms of two propositions of two- process learning theory: (a) Pavlovian association processes precede the acquisition of emotional reactions to previously neutral stimuli; and (b) these emotional reactions have motivational properties that can influence instrumental responding. It follows that any empirical or theoretical law of Pavlovian conditioning has profound implications for the control of instrumental responding when the two processes are interactively combined by E’s procedures.

 

What are some of these Pavlovian laws (see Pavlov, 1927), and how would they be expected to reveal their impact?

 

1.
The Law of Excitation. A CS consistently paired with a US acquires excitatory properties. Previously neutral stimuli, originally unable to elicit salivary responses in the dog, come to do so after several temporal pairings with meat powder on the tongue (the US for salivation). Irradiation of excitation should occur, and so stimuli similar to the CS should elicit the CR.
2.
The Law of Internal Inhibition. (a) Differential inhibition. If a CS+ is consistently paired with a US on one-half of the conditioning trials, and a CS is consistently presented unpaired with the US on the other half of the conditioning trials, the last phases of the conditioning show “differentiation”; that is, S gives a reliable CR to each CS+ presentation but not to CS—. Differential inhibition is postulated to suppress actively the CR in the presence of CS—. Salivation is not merely failing to occur in response to CS—; it is being suppressed. That CS— actually has inhibitory powers can be demonstrated by presenting it along with an effective CS+. When we do this, a CR that normally would have a specific magnitude will occur in markedly reduced magnitude. (b) Conditioned inhibition. If a compound CS is used as CS—, and one segment of the compound CS is used as the CS+, we meet the conditions for producing a conditioned inhibitor. For example, on half of the conditioning trials we present CS1, paired with the US, and on the other half of the trials we present CS2 and CS1 in sequence, unpaired with the US. Then, eventually, good CRs will emerge in the presence of CS1, and no CRs in the presence of CS2—CS1 sequence. We can test the properties of CS1 and CS2 by presenting each one in a test trial together with some effective CS+. CS1 with CS+ will lead to an enhanced CR, but CS2 with CS+ will lead to a diminished CR. Therefore, CS2 is a conditioned inhibitor. It has acquired the property of actively suppressing a CR that would have occurred in greater magnitude; it is no longer neutral. (c) Inhibition by temporal delay. We carry out the conditioning of the salivary reflex under a procedure that delays the onset of the US long after the CS+ has begun. For example, a tone comes on and remains on for 30 seconds before the meat powder is delivered to the dog’s tongue. When this conditioning technique is used, the excitatory CR at the end of many conditioning trials has a long latency, “crowding” the end of the CS—US interval. Pavlov supposed that the CR was actively inhibited during the early moments of presentation of CS+ and that this inhibition dissipated in time, allowing the excitatory influence of CS+ to appear. The CR is thus temporarily paced by an inhibition process. A similar phenomenon occurs if a trace conditioning procedure is used with a long CS—US interval. (d) Extinctive inhibition. If a dog is given 50 conditioning trials with CS+ always paired with the US, and then the CS+ is presented unpaired with the US for several hundred trials, the CR, previously measurable after 50 trials, will disappear. This extinction procedure, according to Pavlov, does not merely reduce the excitatory power of CS+ but rather builds up its inhibitory power. Thus, if CS+ is presented along with another CS+ which normally elicits a CR, the CR should be diminished in magnitude. The extinguished CS+ is then labeled an extinctive inhibitor, with power to suppress CRs. (e) Induction. During the course of establishing a differential CR, when CS+ clearly produces a CR of greater magnitude than does CS—, a few CS— trials will often produce an enhanced CR on the next CS+ trial. This phenomenon is called positive induction. Conversely, a few CS+ trials are thought to produce a diminished CR on the next CS— trial. This is called negative induction.
3.
The Law of External Inhibition. Novel or distracting stimuli, whether weak or unusually intense, can temporarily diminish the magnitude of a CR. Thus, when an effective CS+ is presented, the occurrence of a loud noise will diminish the CR magnitude. Conversely, novel, distracting, or unusually intensestimuli can destroy temporarily the inhibitory power of a CS—. Any inhibitory process is thought to be susceptible to disruption by an external inhibitor. This is called disinhibition. Repeated presentation of an external inhibitor diminishes its inhibitory and disinhibitory power.

 

We have reviewed in some detail a few of the major laws of Pavlovian conditioning. What does two-process theory do with such laws? First, it assumes that these laws of Pavlovian conditioning of the salivary reflex are probably the laws of emotional conditioning or laws of acquired drive states. Second, it assumes that conditioned emotional states change S’s motivation level and thus can serve either as motivators or rein forcers of instrumental responses.

 

Table 1 provides a convenient summary of the variety of ways in which Pavlovian conditioned emotional states can interact with instrumental learning to produce changes in instrumental responding.

 

 

Note that Table 1 accomplishes three purposes. First, it allows us to classify and organize the existing knowledge about interactions between the two hypothetical processes. Second, it dramatizes the absence of certain kinds of knowledge, thus pointing to new experiments which need to be done. And third, it raises new and interesting theoretical questions concerning the outcomes of the experiments in the table.

 

The Solomon and Turner (1962) experiment, which we have already described, can be located in Table 1 in the following manner. In this experiment, the US for fear conditioning was aversive (shock) as was the reinforcer for avoidance behavior. In addition, the Pavlovian conditioning was discriminative, and the Ss were tested with independent presentations of CS+ and CS—. The instrumental training was discriminative, since Ss learned to respond by panel-pressing in the presence of Sd. This allows us to insert the results of the Solomon and Turner experiment in Cells 15 and 16. We arbitrarily use a (j’) sign in Cell 15 to indicate that the Pavlovian CS+ produced an enhancement of instrumental responding. CS—, on the other hand, had little or no effect, and so we have inserted a (?) in Cell 16.

 

The traditional CER experiment falls into Cell 3. The S is trained to perform some instrumental response reinforced by some appetitive stimulus. Pavlovian conditioning is carried out with an aversive US. The S is tested with presentations of CS+ while performing the instrumental response. The usual finding is that the response rate is suppressed by CS+, and so Cell 3 contains a (~).

 

Now we can examine the laws of Pavlovian conditioning as they are reflected in the interactions contained in Table I. In all cases, the dependent variable is some measure of instrumental responding. Yet the independent variables, the influence of which is being tested, are those contained in the Pavlovian conditioning experiment.

 

EXCITATION AND INHIBITION

 

1. Differential Excitation and Inhibition.Rescorla and LoLordo (1965) gave dogs discriminative conditioning with an aversive US (shock). A Pavlovian law predicts that the stimulus not paired with shock (CS—) will become a differential inhibitor—that is, it will have the capacity to suppress actively whatever emotional reflex pattern is usually elicited by CS+. Thus, CS— should be able to inhibit “fear of shock.” Prior to discriminative fear conditioning, the dogs had been trained so that they reliably responded on a Sidman avoidance schedule at a rate of seven jumps per minute in a dog shuttlebox. While Ss were jumping, short presentations of CS+ and CS— were given in some random sequence.

 

Two-process theory leads to the following expectations. If CS+ is a Pavlovian excitor, then conditioned fear should be augmented by its presence, and the instrumental responding rate should increase above the normal rate. In contrast, if CS— is a Pavlovian differential inhibitor, then it should actively suppress conditioned fear and the instrumental responding rate should decrease below the normal rate.

 

Rescorla and LoLordo (1965) found that the presentation of the CS+ resulted in a doubling of the Sidman jumping rate, but the presentation of the CS resulted in a large reduction in the Sidman jumping rate. It seems clear that CS— had acquired inhibitory properties. The Rescorla and LoLordo experiment can be inserted in Cells 11 and 12 in Table 1. They represent the intersection of aversive, discriminative Pavlovian conditioning preceded by unsignalized (Sidman) aversive training, with no Sd.

 

Another example of differential Pavlovian conditioning combined with instrumental training is the experiment by Ray and Stein (1959) who trained hungry rats to bar-press for milk on a VI—2 schedule. Then, when the rats attained a steady response rate, an 1800 cps tone was presented for 5 minutes and it terminated with shock to the feet. A contrasting 200 cps tone was presented at other times, but it terminated without shock. Eventually, the 1800 cps tone acquired the capacity to suppress bar- pressing completely. In contrast, presentation of the 200 cps tone (CS—) often produced increases in the bar-pressing rate above the normal base-line rate, though this difference was not a large one (see Cells 3 and 4, Table 1).

 

Hoffman and Fleshier (1964) have carried out a series of experiments similar to that of Ray and Stein. In general, their findings paralleled those of Ray and Stein with regard to the CER suppression effect of CS+ presentations. However, unlike Ray and Stein they did not find the enhancement of instrumental responding in the presence of CS—. Hammond (1966) repeated and extended the results of Ray and Stein. He further showed that enhancement of bar-pressing rate by presentation of CS— occurred only when the base-line responding rate was below normal.

 

These interesting findings raise the possibility that a Pavlovian differential inhibitor established by aversive conditioning can enhance instrumental responding established by an appetitive reinforcer. But what could the finding, that an inhibitor of fear enhances appetitively maintained behavior, mean? One possibility is that reflex interrelations exist between appetitively and aversively based incentive states. The occurrence of an elicitor or inhibitor of a fear state may reflexly depress or enhance positive incentive motivation. On the other hand, it may be that an inhibitor of fear has no effect upon an appetitive motivation state. Instead, there may be a general level of fear produced by the experimental situation; since such fear presumably reduces the response rate, an inhibitor of that fear would lead to a rate enhancement. The Hammond experiment strongly supports such an interpretation. These findings are of considerable importance to a theory of incentive motivation.

 

So far, we have concerned ourselves with aversive Pavlovian conditioning, and have traced the effects of CS+ and CS—, in their roles as differential excitors and inhibitors, on both aversive and appetitive instrumental responding. There is, in addition, a series of experiments in which appetitive, discriminative conditioning procedures are combined with appetitive instrumental training procedures. These experiments come out of the Skinner- Ian tradition. A prototype experiment is that of Estes (1948), and it was probably the first of its kind to be successful in showing that a CS+, previously paired with food presentations, could enhance, during extinction, the rate of an operant previously reinforced by food presentations. As is the case in all of the experiments subsequently using the Estes paradigm, CS+ presentations are in reality being paired not only with food presentations, but also with magazine approach responses. This is inevitable, because the conditioning procedure in these experiments is done through magazine training. In order to get the food, Ss must make instrumental responses. Even though this procedure is not “pure” Pavlovian conditioning, it resembles it to the extent that the approach response cannot produce the food US; only the CS+ can produce it. Neither can the approach response produce the CS+. (The procedure can be described in Skinnerian terminology as a “discriminated operant.”)

 

Morse and Skinner (1958) trained pigeons to approach a magazine for food in the presence of one color (CS+), but the food never was presented in the presence of a contrasting color(CS—). The behavior of S was irrelevant for the occurrence of magazine operation. Then, in the second stage of the experiment, Ss learned to peck at a white key for food. Finally, extinction was instituted, during which there were test periods in which CS+ and CS— were alternately presented. The pecking rate was higher in the presence of CS+ than it was when CS— was present. There was, however, no control for normal extinction in white light alone, so we cannot tell whether CS— was inhibitory, or the CS+ excitatory, or both. We know CS+ showed differential excitatory properties when compared to CS—, and this confirms Estes’ (1948) findings, but it leaves in doubt the proper sign to put in Cells 1 and 2 of Table 1. It is our guess that Cell 1 should contain a (~) sign, and Cell 2 a (~) sign, but in the absence of the proper controls we cannot be sure. A recent experiment by Bower and Kaufman (1963) confirms the finding by Morse and Skinner of a difference between the effects of CS+ and CS—.

 

Most of the earlier experiments showing the differential excitatory and inhibitory effects of CS+ and CS— on instrumental responding have used extinction responding as a base line. Recently, however, there have been several experiments exploring the effects of differential Pavlovian conditioning procedures on subsequent learning of discriminative instrumental responses. For example, Bower and Grusec (1964) used thirsty rats, conditioning them by having tone S1 paired with water reinforcements and tone S2 occurring without water reinforcements. The rats had previously been trained to press a lever to get water, but this early training was not discriminative (no Sd). Then, in a third stage of the experiment, the rats were given discriminative instrumental training. One group was trained with its CS+ from the conditioning phase now the Sd for the operant, and its CS— as S~, while in contrast, another group had its CS+ from the conditioning phase now the S~ for the operant and its CS— as Sd Thus, in one group the CS/Sd relationship was consistent, but in the other group the CS/Sd relationship was inconsistent. Bower and Grusec found that the acquisition of the Sd—S~ discrimination was enhanced for the consistent group but was interfered with in the inconsistent group. There was, however, no way of ascertaining whether or not CS— had true differential inhibitory properties because there was no control group that learned the Sd-S~ discrimination without prior conditioning with CS+ and CS—.

 

We can speculate, however, that learning was interfered with whenever CS— inhibited conditioned appetitive reactions in the presence of Sd, and learning was facilitated whenever CS + facilitated excitatory appetitive reactions in the presence of Sd.

 

More recently, Trapold (1966) has shown that inconsistent differential conditioning can actually facilitate reversal learning of a discriminative instrumental response. Rats were first trained, in an operant discrimination, to press a lever for food in the presence of S1 but to refrain from pressing in the presence of S2. Then the lever was removed, and S2 was paired with food presentation while S1 was paired with absence of food. Later, when the rats were presented again with the lever, they were required to reverse the original operant discrimination and press in the presence of S2. They learned this reversal more rapidly than a group that had not received pairings of S2 with food presentation. Thus, Pavlovian contingencies were powerful enough to assist the instrumental discrimination reversal.

2. Conditioned Inhibition. Rescorla and LoLordo (1965) trained dogs in our laboratory on a Sidman avoidance contingency in the shuttlebox, until the dogs performed the avoidance response at a stable rate. Then they subjected some of the dogs to a Pavlovian fear conditioning procedure in which CS+ was followed 2—8 seconds later by shock on one-half of the trials, but on the other half of the trials CS+ was followed 2—8 seconds later by CS— and no shock. Other dogs, after learning the Sidman avoidance response, were subjected to a Pavlovian fear conditioning procedure in which CS+ was followed by shock on one-half of the trials, but on the other half of the trials CS— was inserted 5 seconds prior to CS+ and no shock followed. CS in both procedures was shown to have inhibitory properties. Test presentations of CS reduced the Sidman avoidance response rate significantly. Rescorla and LoLordo infer that conditioned fear was inhibited by their CS—. In contrast, fear was aroused by CS +.

 

3. Inhibition by Temporal Delay. Rescorla (1967a) trained dogs in our laboratory in a Sidman avoidance response in the dog shuttlebox. When the dogs hadacquired a stable jumping rate, they were subjected to a Pavlovian fear conditioning procedure in which only a long-delay CS+ was used. A 30-second tone was followed by shock on all conditioning trials. Then later, when the dogs were performing their avoidance response in the shuttlebox, the 30-second tone was presented from time to time. Rescorla found that the onset of the tone produced a decrease in jumping rate, and the rate thereafter increased until, at about 20-second duration, the jumping rate went above normal, increasing steadily to the end of the interval. Cessation of the tone produced a decrease in jumping rate to a below-base-line level, followed by slow recovery to the base-line rate. Here is a case where onset of a “danger signal” resulted in a temporary decrease of avoidance responding. This is what one would expect from Pavlovian experiments on long duration CSs. CS onset is never closely paired with shock, and so it serves as a CS—, an inhibitor of conditioned reflexes. In the Rescorla experiment, we can infer that CS+ onset inhibited fear.

 

Recently, Trapold, Carison, and Myers (1965) have shown how Pavlovian inhibition by temporal delay can operate in an appetitive situation. They conditioned rats with either fixed or variable temporal delay intervals between food US presentations, in the absence of any CS (temporal conditioning). Then they gave the rats Fl training with food reward in a bar-press situation. They found that when the temporal interval between US presentations previously used in Pavlovian conditioning was the same as that used in the subsequent Fl training, the development of a sharp Fl “scallop” was facilitated. Evidently the delivery of a US can serve as a stimulus which temporarily inhibits an appetitive state that mediates bar-pressing for food. The temporal pacing of instumental behavior, as in FT contingencies, can be “sharpened” by Pavlovian conditioning treatments of the proper sort. This is evidence quite compatible with that of Pavlovian experiments.

 

4. Induction. Not much is known about the operation of the Pavlovian induction phenomenon as it influences instrumental responding. Rescorla (1967a) and Rescorla and LoLordo (1965) found that termination of an aversive CS+ during instrumental avoidance responding reduced the response rate for a few seconds. This, however, is not the only way of showing induction. One might explore the increase in jumping rate produced by a CS+ presentation that followed a CS— presentation, as compared with one that followed another CS+ presentation, in order to measure positive induction. This has not been done. Neither has negative induction been studied in such a way. In order to do this, one would compare responding to CS— when it has recently been preceded by a CS+ presentation, as compared with being preceded by a CS— presentation.

 

5. External Inhibition and Disinhibition. The effects of extraneous stimuli upon CSs imposed on ongoing instrumental behavior have been little studied. It would be of interest to see whether a novel stimulus could disrupt the effect which a CS+ has upon instrumental behavior (external inhibition). Likewise, we would like to know whether we can remove the inhibitory effect which a CS has upon instrumental behavior by presentation of a novel stimulus (disinhibition). Preliminary experimentation with dogs (Rescorla, l967a) suggests that disinhibition of inhibition of temporal delay can be produced with fear conditioning; however, no evidence was found for external inhibition.

 

We have covered many of the experiments showing how Pavlovian procedures, interacting with Thorndikian (or Skinnerian) procedures, can influence instrumental responding. In doing so, it became clear that many of the cells in Table 1 are empty. Some of the empty cells are as interesting as the filled ones. For example, take Cell 9. This cell would require the testing of the effect of an appetitive CS+ on unsignaled avoidance responding. What would happen? Would the “irrelevancy” of the fear that mediates avoidance to the appetitive CRs elicited by CS+ mean that avoidance rate would be unaffected by CS+? Or is there a matrix of interrelationships among emotional-motivational states that requires that appetitive CRs interfere with or inhibit all aversive states to some extent? Perhaps, instead, the Spence (1956) view of “generalized D” would be correct, and any excitatory CS+ would enhance any response mediated by any excitatory state in the presence of Sd. CER experimentation(see Cell 3) would argue against this expectation, but perhaps it is too early to be certain. Certainly, much work is needed in this area of ignorance.

 

Another interesting cell is No. 10. Suppose a dog has acquired a stable Sidman avoidance response in the shuttlebox. He is then given test presentations with a CS— previously established in an appetitive Pavlovian conditioning procedure. What might be expected to happen? Would CS be “irrelevant” for fear level, and therefore leave jumping rate unaffected? Or would CS—, being a signal for the nonoccurrence of an appetitive US, be “disturbing” in some way, thus “adding to” fear level and increasing the avoidance response rate? Is there a dimension of “pessimism” established in the emotional life of laboratory animals, such that a signal that says “food won’t come,” although it may superficially seem irrelevant for fear motivated avoidance responding, nevertheless is a “bad” event, just as shock is also a “bad” event? Amsel (1965) and Brown and Wagner (1964) have recently shown the generality of a “perseverance” attribute for laboratory Ss given special types of partial reinforcement experiences. Perhaps “pessimism” can be similarly established by appropriate Pavlovian and Thorndikian treatments, such that all CS—’s for appetitive differential conditioning, and all CS+’s for aversive differential conditioning, can enhance all instrumental responses reinforced by the avoidance of aversive USs of any type. It certainly would be valuable to know how these interactions work. The techniques for getting this information have already been worked out.4

 

There are other cells in Table 1 that command attention, but the reader can now generate his own experiments to fill them. We should note, however, that Table 1 does not exhaust the possibilities for analysis of interactions between Pavlovian and Thorndikian processes. The Pavlovian conditioning procedures can either precede, or be preceded by, the instrumental training procedures (thus focusing attention on order effects in the interaction of the two processes). Or the Pavlovian conditioning procedures can be carried out either within the situation used for instrumental training or in another situation as distinctively different as possible from the instrumental training situation. This variation focuses attention upon situational stimuli as a factorin the interaction of the two processes. Intrasituational Pavlovian conditioning can, in turn, either be carried out “on the base line,” that is, while the instrumental behavior to be influenced is occurring; or, in contrast, it can be carried out “off the base line,” that is, when instrumental responding is impossible.

 

Up to this point we have talked only of variations in the Pavlovian conditioning parameters. Another strategy is to vary the instrumental training parameters while holding the Pavlovian conditioning constant. For example, would Pavlovian conditioned stimuli based on a shock US have the same effect on an S during asymptotic, reinforced, operant performance as it would have during the first moments of extinction of that operant? Such a question has implications for any theory that argues for the importance of emotion in the control of instrumental responding, since presumably different emotions are present in training and extinction. It seems clear that systematic variations of both the Pavlovian and instrumental operations in Table 1 would be valuable in extending our understanding of the emotional control of instrumental behavior.

 

The many possible variations in procedure will complicate Table 1 and expand it to almost unmanageable proportions. Nevertheless, such variations must be kept in mind, because we already know that they are important. For example, the effects of the order of Pavlovian conditions and instrumental training are subtle and interesting. Overmier and Leaf (1965), working in our laboratory, found that the discriminative control of avoidance responding by a Pavlovian CS+ and CS— was poorer when the conditioning preceded avoidance training than when the reverse order was used. However, there is nothing in two-process theory that predicts an order effect. This result indicates that two-process theory is rapidly generating new data requiring further refinement and extension of such theory while not requiring the abandonment of the approach.

 

We can conclude that, following one strategy suggested by two-process theory, Pavlovian conditioning procedures can readily be used to control instrumental responding. Furthermore, it might very well turn out that instrumental responding is as sensitive, or perhaps even more sensitive, a measure of the effects of Pavlovian conditioning procedures than are the traditionally measured conditioned visceral or motor reflexes themselves. If this should turn out to be true, it would constitute a major heuristic, albeit somewhat ironic, contribution of two-process learning theory.

 

Finally, we point to the success achieved in controlling instrumental responding by means of a wide variety of Pavlovian procedures, contrasted with the failure to establish definitive relationships between CRs (as mediators) and concurrent instrumental responses. Such success gives support to the version of two- process theory postulating that the concomitance we do observe between CRs and instrumental responding is mediated by a common central state, and the changes in that state are subject to the laws of Pavlovian conditioning.

 

NOTES

 

1.
The research leading to this paper was supported by Grants MH-04202from the United States Public Health Service and GB-2428 from the National Science Foundation. Parts of this paper were delivered in a Harold Schlosberg Memorial Symposium address, Eastern Psychological Association, Atlantic City, April 1965. This paper is dedicated to the memory of Harold Schlosberg.
2.
National Science Foundation Predoctoral Fellow.
3.
The authors would like to thank Otello L. Desiderato, Henry Gleitman,Francis W. Irwin, and Vincent M. LoLordo for their extensive comments on an earlier draft of this paper.
4.
After the completion of this manuscript LoLordo (1966) showed that the summation of fear of two different aversive events is reflected in instrumental responding. He trained dogs to avoid shock by pressing a panel, with an unsignalized (Sidman) procedure. He then exposed the dogs to a Pavlovian conditioning experience during which the CS+ was paired with a loud blast from a horn and CS— was explicitly unpaired with the horn blast. Later, in a test session, 5-second presentations of CS+ and CS— were imposed on Sidman responding. The CS+ elicited an increase in the pressing rate, but the CS— did not produce an inhibitory effect on the pressing rate. Such a result indicates that the generalization of fear excitation as a mediator is probably quite great (from noise to shock), but perhaps the generalization of fear inhibition is not very great.

 

 


Anxiety (Drive) Level and

Performance in Eyelid Conditioning1

 

KENNETH W. SPENCE, University of Iowa

 

 

Studies from the Iowa laboratory and elsewhere that have involved a comparison of the eyelid conditioning performance of Ss scoring at the extremes of the Taylor Manifest Anxiety (MA) scale are reviewed. In 21 of 25 independent comparisons, differences between groups were in favor of the high anxiety (HA) Ss, with the majority being statistically significant. Although these data provide substantial confirmation of the implication of the drive interpretation of MA scale that HA Ss should exhibit a higher level of performance than LA Ss, an attempt was made to ascertain what factors might be responsible for failure of the difference to occur in some studies. The major factors appeared to be small numbers of Ss and the presence of “voluntary form” responders in the samples. Significant differences appear to be related to the degree of experimental naiveté of the Ss and the extent to which the experimental situation is designed to arouse some degree of apprehensiveness.

 

Recently King, Kimble, Gorman, and King (1961) reported failure to find a significant relation between level of emotionality as measured by the Taylor Manifest Anxiety (MA) scale and performance in aversive (eyelid) conditioning. In the light of the previous evidence, this finding was rather surprising and the authors were able to conclude only that emotionality or anxiety must be an interacting variable that is related to conditioning under certain as yet unknown conditions and not under others. The purpose of the present article is (a) to review the data bearing on the relation between the MA scale and aversive conditioning, only a small fraction of which was cited by King et al., and (b) to examine this evidence in detail in an attempt to suggest what the factors are that might be responsible for the failure of the relationship to appear in some studies.

 

In presenting these data, the results of studies comparing performance in simple conditioning of Ss preselected on the basis of extreme MA scale scores will first be summarized. The second group of studies to be reviewed also involves comparison of the performance of preselected Ss but in differential conditioning. Thirdly, the results of a number of previously unpublished comparisons based on simple conditioning data from studies conducted in the Iowa laboratory for other purposes will be presented. The Ss serving in these latter studies were unselected with respect to the MA scale. Since their scores on the test were available, it was possible to determine the differences in the conditioning performance between Ss who scored at the extremes of the scale.

 

STUDIES INVOLVING PRESELECTED

EXTREME GROUPS

 

Simple Conditioning.

 

The findings of the previously published Iowa studies and one unpublished study directly concerned with comparing the conditioning performance of preselected high and low anxiety (HA and LA) Ss are summarized in Table 1. The criteria of se- lection of Ss in these studies varied slightly, ranging from raw scores of 20 to 24 as the lower limit of the HA Ss and from 7 to 9 as the upper limit of the LA Ss. These scores roughly mark the upper and lower twentieth to twenty-fifth percentiles of the distribution of MA scale scores made by students in the introductory course in psychology at Iowa. Shown in the successive columns of the table are: (a) the reference studies, (b) the number of trials over which the conditioning measures were obtained, (c) the use or nonuse of a ready signal, (d) the strength of the UCS (air puff) employed, (e) the total number of Ss in the two groups, (f) the mean percentage of CRs made by the HA group of Ss, (g) the mean percentage of responses made by LA Ss, (h) the difference in percentage of CRs given by the two groups, and (i) the significance level of the differences between the groups expressed in terms of p (two-tailed test).

 

 

As may be seen, the six Iowa studies provided nine independent comparisons of HA and LA groups at UCS intensities ranging from very weak (.25 psi) to moderately strong ones (2.0 psi). In every study HA Ss responded with a higher percentage of CRs over the conditioning period than did the LA Ss and in each the difference was significant at the .05 level or better. Since the conditioning curves of the HA and LA groups tended to diverge, it is apparent that the differences in their performance at the end of training were even larger than those shown in Table 1. Thus in the case of these six studies the differences were approximately 20 percent larger over the last 20 conditioning trials than for all trials. These larger differences also tended to be slightly more significant. Attention should also be directed to the fact that the numbers of Ss on which the significance values obtained in these studies were based are relatively large, ranging from a minimum of 45 in studies with two groups to a maximum of 120 when four groups were used.

 

In turning to the non-Iowa studies in Table 2, it will be seen that not a single one of the comparisons involved as many as 50 Ss. The study (No. 3) with the largest number of Ss (36), it is worthy of note, did give results in line with those obtained in the Iowa laboratory. In this study, conducted at Kent State University, HA Ss responded at a significantly higher level (.01) than LA Ss. The remaining comparisons in this portion of the table, however, failed to support such a finding, that is, there were no significant differences between groups. The first two of the studies probably should not be taken too seriously as they involved only 10 Ss in each extreme group. The variability of conditioning performance among individual Ss is so great that such results would not be unexpected with so few Ss. However, the final three comparisons, all of which were reported by King, Kimble, and their students (1961) present a more formidable array of evidence that is quite contrary to the findings of the Iowa laboratory. Not only did they fail to obtain a significant difference in favor of the HA Ss, but two of the differences, though not significant, were actually in favor of the LA Ss. While only 30—32 Ss were involved in each experiment, the results as a whole are clearly opposed to the Iowa findings.

 

In addition to the experiments contained in Tables 1 and 2, the findings of three further published studies that bear on the relation between the MA scale and performance in simple conditioning should be mentioned. In each of these investigations unselected Ss were run in the experiment and comparisons were subsequently made between Ss who scored in the upper and lower halves of the distribution of scores on the MA scale: Two of these studies were primarily interested in the effects of administrating shocks on the level of conditioning performance. In the first, Spence, Farber, and Taylor (1954) found that HA Ss (N = 15) responded at a significantly higher level in Trials 1—40 than LA Ss (N = 25) under the shock condition (p < .01). Under no shock HA Ss also gave more CRs than LA Ss, but with only 10 Ss per group the difference was not significant. In a partial replication of this experiment carried out at Peabody College, Caldwell and Cromwell (1959) compared Ss, 30 from the upper and 30 from the lower halves of the distribution of MA scale scores and obtained a significant relation (.05 level) with conditioning performance over Trials 1—40. In each of these experiments, however, conditioning performance over Trials 41—80 was not related either to shock-no shock or to anxiety level. The third and final study that compared above and below average Ss on the MA scale was conducted with students from the evening classes of Northwestern University (Spence & Taylor, 1953). Over the 80 conditioning trials, 22 HA Ss averaged 32.2 percent CRs, 21 LA Ss, 18.2 percent. The difference was significant at the .04 level.

 

Differential Conditioning.

 

Table 3 presents the data from two reported investigations of the relation between the MA scale and level of performance to the positive CS in differential conditioning. As in the studies of Table 1, HA and LA groups represent roughly the upper and lower quartiles on the MA scale. Spence and Farber (1953, 1954) conducted two separate experiments differing slightly in conditioning methodology. The data presented in the table show the level of response to the positive CS over the last 20 reinforced trials (31—50). As may be seen, in the first experiment, the HA group gave significantly more CRs than the LA group. The second experiment of Spence and Farber, as originally reported, included Ss on the basis of a forced-choice version of the scale or on the basis of the MA scale. The data presented here are based only on Ss who were identified as high or low on the MA scale. Again, as may be seen from the table, HA Ss responded at a higher level than LA Ss. The difference was not significant at the .05 level by a two-tailed test, but was on the basis of a one- tailed test.

 

Using a factorial design, Prokasy and Whaley (1962) investigated whether the relation between performance on the MA scale and differential conditioning was a function of the presence or absence of a ready signal in the experimental procedure. Table 3 presents the percentage of CRs given to the positive CS on the last 20 reinforced trials (26—45). As may be seen, when a ready signal was employed HA Ss gave a significantly larger number of CRs than did LA Ss. In the absence of a signal, however, the superiority of the HA group was small and not significant.

 

UNPUBLISHED DATA INVOLVING

UNSELECTED SUBJECTS

 

The third set of studies providing relevant evidence is presented in Table 4. Included in this group are the findings of two previously published studies (No. 1 & 2) that were concerned with investigating among unselected Ss the relation between conditioning measures and physiological indices of emotionality (e.g., heart rate changes, GSR, and muscle action potential). As the scores on the MA scale were available it was possible to examine the conditioning performance of Ss who scored in the upper and lower quartiles of the distribution of scores on the scale. As the table shows, HA Ss gave a significantly greater number of CRs than LA Ss in both of these studies.

 

 

The remaining data presented in Table 4 come from three as yet unpublished studies from the Iowa laboratory. Each is identified by a word or label describing the primary interest of the study. In each of these investigations a fairly large number of Ss, the MA scale scores of whom were available after completion of the experiment, were conditioned under identical circumstances. Again, the findings reported are for Ss who scored in the upper and lower quartiles of the MA scale distribution. As may be seen, the three comparisons (No. 4, 5a, & Sb) provided by the last two experiments once again show that HA Ss responded at a higher level than LA Ss. Two of these differences were significant, while the third (that involving the smallest number of Ss) was not. Attention should be directed to the fact that a ready signal was not employed in these latter studies. The relation of the use or nonuse of a ready signal to the findings of these studies will be discussed in a later section.

 

The final item of note in Table 4 is the negative difference found in the study entitled “Individual Differences” (No. 3). This is the only instance among a total of 17 comparisons of HA and LA Ss provided by our Iowa studies in which LA Ss gave a larger number of CRs than HA Ss. The small difference is not, of course, significant.

 

DISCUSSION

 

Looking at the findings of the studies included in Tables 1, 2, 3, and 4 as a whole, a number of characteristics may be noted. First, the proportion of instances in which the conditioning performance of the HA group was higher than that of the LA group is much greater than one would expect by chance. Thus, the results of 21 of 25 comparisons were in this direction. If there actually were no relation between the MA scale and conditioning performance, the probability of obtaining such a percentage of differences (84 percent) in the same direction by chance is less than .01.

 

Secondly, it is clearly evident that the studies with relatively large numbers of Ss tended to provide significant differences in favor of HA Ss, whereas those with smaller numbers did not. Thus, in the case of comparisons involving 36 or more Ss, 65 percent (11/17) of the comparisons were significant at the .05 level or better on the basis of a two-tailed test. On the other hand, in studies involving fewer than 36 Ss only two of the eight comparisons provided a significant result. Moreover, all of the 13 significant differences were in the direction of higher conditioning performance on the par) of the HA Ss, whereas none of the four obtained differences in favor of the LA Ss were significant.

 

As was mentioned earlier, intersubject variability in eyelid conditioning is exceedingly great. In our experiments the percentages of CRs given by individuals customarily range all the way from zero to very high values. The standard deviations of these percentage measures vary roughly between 20 and 25 percent. Under such circumstances it is readily apparent that fairly large numbers of Ss must be sampled if an adequate test as to whether the manipulated variable produces a difference is to be made. This is particularly the case if the size of the difference is not large relative to the variance of the measures. Apparently, degree of emotionality, as specified in terms of extreme scores on the MA scale, is a relatively minor factor or variable among all those contributing to the intersubject variance of conditioning performance. In this connection, it is interesting to note that in two studies in which emotionality differences and differences in UCS (puff) strength were both variables, the differences between the conditioning performances of the HA and LA Ss were of about the same order of magnitude as those obtained between relatively weak and strong puff intensities (.25 vs. 1.5 psi and .6 vs. 2.0 psi). In the case of both types of comparison, individual performances ranged from very low to high levels in the groups being compared and the overlap was considerable.

 

In the light of these considerations, it is not at all surprising to find such divergent findings among studies that employ such small numbers of Ss, nor is it difficult to understand why the Iowa studies, with their relatively larger samples, have tended to be more consistent and to give a higher proportion of significant differences in favor of the HA Ss.

 

A third characteristic of the data provided by these studies is that the relation between the MA scale and conditioning does appear to vary from one laboratory to another. This fact is clearly revealed in Table 5, which presents an analysis of the data in terms of their source. As may be seen, we have divided the studies into three groups, those carried out in the Iowa laboratory and those from other laboratories. The latter, in turn, have been broken down into two subgroups, primarily on the basis of the strikingly different findings obtained in them.

 

It is clearly evident from the data of Table 5 that the Iowa studies have most consistently demonstrated a relation between conditioning performance and emotionality (MA scale). Thus 16 (94 percent) of the 17 comparisons gave differences in favor of the HA Ss, with 10 (60 percent) of these differences being significant at the .05 level or better. Contrasting most sharply with these findings are those obtained in the subgroup of non-Iowa studies from Duke and North Carolina. These studies, carried out or supervised by Kimble and his associates, failed to find a significant difference in three comparisons of the HA and LA Ss and, moreover, found that LA Ss responded at a higher level than HA Ss in two of their three experiments. Falling in between, but closer to the results of the Iowa studies, are the findings from the four other non-Iowa laboratories. Thus, in four of five comparisons, HA Ss gave more CRs than LA groups, with two of these being significant. Recalling that two of the studies in this latter group had only 10 Ss per group, we see that two of the three experiments that had groups of 36 or more obtained significant differences.

 

 

In summary, we see that when studies with a reasonably large number of Ss (36 or more) are considered, the experiments conducted in the Iowa laboratory and those from laboratories other than Duke and North Carolina tend to be in close agreement with each other in pointing to a genuine difference in the conditioning performance of the HA and LA Ss. The studies of Kimble and his associates, on the other hand, do not.

 

In an effort to ascertain what factors might be responsible for these contrasting findings a comparison was made of the experimental conditions under which the studies were conducted. For this purpose a more detailed description of the experimental situation, procedures, and experiences of the Ss was obtained through correspondence with the investigators involved.

 

With respect to the conditions under which the experiments were conducted at Iowa, we were greatly influenced by the writer’s theoretical interpretation as to why HA Ss could be expected to perform at a higher level than LA Ss. According to this theory, the differences in conditioning performance of these two groups of Ss reflect differences in their level of generalized drive (D), which, in turn, are assumed to be the result of differences in their level of emotional reactivity to the experimental situation and procedures. Accordingly, a deliberate attempt was made in the Iowa studies to provide conditions in the laboratory that might elicit some degree of emotionality. Thus, the experimenter was instructed to be impersonal and quite formal in greeting S and in giving the necessary instructions. On coming into the experiment, S at first saw an impressive array of electronic recording equipment and was then led into an adjoining room in which was located an isolated, screened cubicle. The latter contained a dental chair (sic) in which S was seated in a reclining position, while a headband was placed on his head and a plastic piece was fastened to his upper eyelid. After completing the instructions, the illumination in the cubicle was reduced to a low level of semidarkness and S was informed that, if the need arose, he could get in touch with E by means of a microphone placed on a stand within his reach. The door to the cubicle and the door leading to the adjoining room in which E worked were then closed and S was left in isolation.

 

To say the least, these conditions were unusual and strange for Ss. Furthermore, in order to maximize the likelihood that they would have a tendency to arouse some degree of apprehensiveness, only individuals who had no previous experience as an S in psychological laboratory experiments were used in all but one of our studies in Tables 1, 2, and 3. It has been our experience that students are much more likely to be concerned and apprehensive in the first experiment in which they serve. After one or two experiences they become much less fearful and, all too often, quite bored and blasé. Some experimental evidence, that the amount of such previous experience is a factor in experiments comparing the performances of the HA and LA Ss, has been provided by an experiment reported by Mednick (1957). The latter found that experimentally naive HA Ss showed more stimulus generalization of a response than LA Ss, whereas no such difference was obtained in the case of Ss who had served in from two to three previous psychological experiments.

 

It is evident from this account that the conditions under which our experiments were conducted were designed to arrange for some degree of situation-aroused anxiety or emotionality. While one version of our theory hypothesized that differences in emotionality of the HA and LA Ss might be chronic, an alternative possibility was that it was dependent upon some degree of stress being present in the situation. We were primarily interested in testing the theory under conditions that maximized the likelihood of differences in the emotional reactions of the two groups of Ss.

 

In the light of the above discussion, it is interesting to compare the conditions and procedures employed by Kimble and King with those employed at Iowa. First, with respect to physical conditions, there are a number of differences. The two Duke experiments were conducted in a cubicle within a room in which E was located. However, instead of being semidark, the cubicle was rather brightly lighted (23 apparent foot-candles). The experiment at the University of North Carolina was also conducted under bright illumination with S and E being in the same room on the opposite sides of a partition. In place of a dental chair, Ss in the Duke experiments were seated on a secretarial-type chair, with chin in a headrest. At North Carolina, S sat in a straight desk chair with head free. In addition to these physical differences, most Ss in the Kimble-King experiments had already been in one or two experiments prior to serving in the conditioning experiment.

 

Considering the differences in the two laboratories in terms of the use of different degrees of isolation of S from E, semidarkness versus well-lighted room, dental chair (emotionally conditioned cue) versus neutral-type chair, and experimentally naive versus sophisticated Ss, it would seem quite plausible to suspect that the differences in the findings could, in part at least, be due to the fact that the experimental conditions at Duke and North Carolina were not as emotion arousing as those employed in the Iowa experiments. Further experimentation is needed, of course, to check on the role of such factors for there are other differences between the two sets of experiments that might have played important roles. One important one that should be investigated is the possibility that cultural backgrounds of southern and northern students may lead to a difference in the manner in which they respond to the different items in the MA scale.

 

Still another variable is the E-S interaction. Our Es were not acquainted with Ss and we have attempted to instill in them an attitude of being quite impersonal at the beginning of the experiment and to avoid making any particular attempt to put S at ease or allay any expressed fears. Undoubtedly Es differ greatly in the degree to which they are able to achieve and maintain this objective. It is interesting to note that the person who served as one of two Es in the single Iowa study that gave negative results (LA> HA) has recently completed a doctoral dissertation in which there again was little difference between HA and LA Ss. Unfortunately, there were only a small number of the HA and LA Ss under each of the different conditions of this experiment and the proportion of male and female Ss was not equated so the results are not very helpful. This is, nevertheless, a potentially important variable and should be investigated further, possibly by deliberately manipulating the behavior of F. It has recently been shown experimentally that one can markedly increase the conditioning performance of Ss by emotion producing instructions (Spence & Goldstein, 1961).

 

A final variable to be considered is the presence or absence of a ready signal. In a recent article Prokasy and Whaley (1962) have proposed that the use or nonuse of a “ready-blink” signal is a possible factor with which emotionality might be interacting in ‘these conditioning studies. In support of this notion these investigators found, as is shown in Table 2, that in differential conditioning, their HA Ss gave a significantly larger number of CRs to the positive CS than LA Ss when a ready-blink signal was used, whereas only a small, insignificant difference was obtained in its absence. However, before this study even appeared there was evidence against the notion that the difference in conditioning performance of the HA and LA Ss was a function of the presence or absence of a ready signal. As Table 1 reveals, Baron and Conner (1960) had reported a highly significant difference (p < .01), while Spence and Weyant (1960) also obtained a significant F (<.05 level) for HA and LA Ss in experiments that did not employ a ready signal. Further evidence against this view that a ready signal is a necessary condition for the difference to occur is provided by the findings of recent experiments from our laboratory presented in Table 4. As the last three items in this table show, three comparisons between HA and LA Ss in which there was no ready signal all gave differences in favor of the HA group with the two comparisons that involved more than 35 Ss being significant at the .05 level.

 

Unfortunately, a serious methodological error is present in the early studies that did not employ a ready signal. As Hartman and Ross (1961) have recently demonstrated the latency criterion employed in the Iowa laboratory (Spence & Ross, 1959; Spence & Taylor, 1951) to identify and eliminate “voluntary” responders from the data sample is not applicable when a ready signal is not employed. The use of this criterion was originally based on the finding in experiments using a ready signal and a CS-UCS interval of 500 milliseconds that the latency distribution of responses judged to be similar in form to voluntary eyelid closures did not overlap to any great extent with that for CRs, which are very different in form. Thus, it was possible to employ this more convenient latency property as the index of whether a response was a voluntary response or a CR. As employed in these studies all responses with latencies between 300 and 500 milliseconds were counted as CRs, while responses whose latencies fell between 150 milliseconds (tone CS) or 200 milliseconds (light CS) and 300 milliseconds were counted as voluntary responses. The Ss who gave 50 percent or more responses in the voluntary category were eliminated from the sample data.

 

The reason for so doing was that the behavior of such Ss appeared to obey quite different laws from those holding for Ss who gave few such voluntary responses. Among the differences importantly related to our present concern are (a) the tendency to respond at an extremely high level (approaching 100 percent) once the first such anticipatory voluntary response is made and (b) the lack of any relation whatever between the frequency of responses given by such Ss and the level of the MA scale score. The effect of both of these tendencies is clearly that of reducing the likelihood of obtaining a significant difference in the conditioning performance of the HA and LA Ss, the first by greatly increasing the variance of the conditioning scores and the second by reducing the difference between groups that contained a number of such Ss.

 

Unfortunately, investigators who did not use a ready signal took over the latency criterion to identify voluntary responders without checking its appropriateness, with the consequence that all such Ss probably were not eliminated from their samples. The Prokasy and Truax (1959) study is especially suspect in this regard as it involved a very strong puff (3.0 psi), a condition that produces a high incidence of such voluntary responders. When one considers the small number of Ss (10 per group) in this experiment, the negative difference obtained is not too surprising. The presence of one or two more high responding voluntary Ss in the LA group than in the HA group could easily have produced this result. The findings obtained with the no-signal groups in the later study of Prokasy and Whaley (1962) and one of the Duke studies also may be suspected of being affected by the presence of a number of voluntary responders who were not detected by the inappropriate latency criterion that was employed.

 

An example of the effects of including the data of voluntary responders in a sample is provided by the recent studies (Table 4) from the Iowa laboratory that did not employ a ready signal. Having confirmed the findings of Hartman and Ross (1961) that latency does not differentiate voluntary form responses from CRs when a ready signal is absent, the identification of voluntary Ss in these studies was made in terms of the form of the eyelid responses. If, instead, the latency criterion had been employed none of the voluntary responders detected by ‘the form criteria would have been identified and thus would have been included in the samples. It is worthy of note that the inclusion of six voluntary responders (three in each group) in the case of the comparison involving the male Ss of our most recent experiment (Table 4, No. 5a) would have reduced the reported difference of 14.2 percent between HA and LA Ss to 11.0 percent. Correspondingly, the significance of the difference would have been reduced from the .05 level to one of .16. In other words, the addition of only six voluntary Ss to the sample of 67 would have changed the conclusion from one that the difference is significant to one that it is not.

 

In concluding this discussion, attention should especially be directed to the point that the behavior of human Ss in classical eyelid conditioning, while simple in form, is complexly determined. Recent research in this and other laboratories has revealed that higher mental processes (inhibitory and facilitatory sets, etc.) play a much more prominent role in human conditioning than has sometimes been realized. Moreover, our lack of knowledge concerning these factors has precluded our controlling them in any satisfactory manner with the result that the intersubject variance of conditioning performance is extremely large. This state of affairs has unfortunate consequences for the testing of simple theories of behavior which specify only associational and motivational constructs (e.g., H and D) as determiners of excitatory strength of the conditioned responses. Obviously, the additional uncontrolled variables minimize the role of these basic theoretical factors, tending to hide their effects. Under such circumstances it is necessary to have reasonably large samples so that the effects of these confounding variables are more likely to be equalized in the comparison groups. On the basis of the writer’s experience with conditioning data, experiments of the type discussed here should be required to have groups of at least 25 Ss. Unhappily, as we have seen, this has all too frequently not been the case.

 

NOTE

 

1. This study was carried out as part of a project concerned with the influence of motivation on performance in learning under Contract Nonr1509 (04), Project NR 154—107 between the University of Iowa and the Office of Naval Research.

 

 


 

Paired-Associate Learning as a Function of Arousal

and Interpolated Interval.1

 

LEWIS J. KLEINSMITH AND STEPHEN KAPLAN,

University of Michigan

 

This experiment tested the hypothesis that due to the phenomenon of perseverative consolidation, a pattern perceived under high arousal should show stronger permanent memory and weaker immediate memory than a pattern accompanied by low arousal. While recording skin resistance as a measure of arousal, 48 Ss were presented 8 paired associates for learning. The Ss were tested at various time intervals: 2 min., 20 min., 45 min., 1 day, and 1 wk. The results confirmed the hypothesis (p = .001) - Paired associates learned under low arousal exhibited high immediate recall value and rapid forgetting. High arousal paired associates exhibited a marked reminiscence effect, that is, low immediate recall and high permanent memory.

 

There is growing evidence that perseverative consolidation of the memory trace can last over a considerable period of time. Glickman (1961) provides an extensive review of the literature in this area. Still more recently, Pare (1961), by the use of drugs, has shown that arousal plays an important role in the consolidation process. A stimulant administered immediately following a learning trial increases retention, while a depressant has the opposite effect.

 

As Pare has indicated, reverberating neural circuits (Hebb, 1958) provide a mechanism to explain the effect of arousal on consolidation. Under conditions of low arousal, relatively little nonspecific neural activity will be available to support the reverberating trace, resulting in little consolidation and poor long- term retention. On the other hand, under conditions of high arousal the increased nonspecific neural activity will result in more reverberation, and thus retention should be better.

 

While reverberation is taking place, however, one might expect the trace to be relatively unavailable to the organism, resulting in poor recall of the consolidating material during this interval. Such unavailability follows from a consideration of the difficulties in refiring a neuron which is already firing repeatedly in a reverberating circuit. Hodgkin (1948) has shown that neurons are sharply limited in their maximum rate of firing. Thus under high arousal, perseverative consolidation should be effective both in strengthening the memory trace and in making the memory difficult to evoke until the perseveration terminates.

 

In the present study Ss were asked to learn a set of paired associates composed of words as stimuli and single-digit numbers as responses. The words were chosen to differ in their arousal value (as measured by galvanic skin response). In terms of the hypothesis, word-number pairs of high arousal value should be recalled poorly at first, but should be recalled well at a later time. Low arousal pairs, by contrast, should be remembered better at first and should show a gradual decay (forgetting) with time.

 

METHOD

 

Subjects.

 

The Ss were 48 University of Michigan undergraduates obtained from introductory courses in psychology. They were run in six subgroups of 8 Ss each.

 

Procedure.

 

The Ss were given a single learning trial with a list of eight word-number pairs. Eight words expected to produce different arousal levels were chosen as stimulus words. These were KISS, RAPE, VOMIT, EXAM, DANCE, MONEY, LOVE, SWIM. The response items were single digits from 2 to 9.

 

A slide projector with an exposure time of 4 sec. was used to present the stimuli. During the training trial S first saw the stimulus word alone, and then saw the word repeated with a single digit response. To separate the arousal effects from one set of pairings to the next, two slides containing four colors each were inserted between the paired associates, and S was instructed to name the colors. (Red, green, blue, black, yellow, and orange were used randomly on these slides.) The S was instructed to “concentrate carefully on both colors and word-number pairs” as he called them out loud, but to avoid rehearsal S was not specifically told that he would be tested for recall.

 

In order to determine the arousal effects of each stimulus word, skin resistance was recorded during learning. The electrodes were of the zinc variety described by Lykken (1959). To insure constancy of conditions, electrodes and recording apparatus were also used during the recall session.

 

During the recall session S was instructed to indicate the correct number for each stimulus word as it appeared. The correct numbers were not repeated. Colors were used as an interpolated task as before.

 

Design.

 

The six groups were tested one at each of the following recall intervals: immediate (about 2 min.), 20 min., 45 min., 1 day, and 1 wk. Two groups were run at the first recall interval.

 

To correct for serial order effects eight different training lists were used for each group, designed so that each of the eight words appeared in each position in the list once (Fisher & Yates, 1938). The order of the recall lists was varied in the same manner.

 

Data analysis.

 

Any drop in S’s skin resistance which occurred within 4 sec. of presentation of a given word was considered an arousal deflection; these were converted to percent deflections. Each S’s eight GSR deflections were then ranked. (In case of ties, absolute skin resistance level was used to break them. A deflection occurring at a low level of absolute skin resistance was considered higher arousal than a similar deflection occurring at a higher absolute level.) The three highest deflections for each S were designated “high arousal learning,” and the three lowest were designated “low arousal learning.”

 

RESULTS

 

 

Figure 1 illustrates the relationship between high and low arousal recall as a function of time. At immediate recall, numbers associated with low arousal words are recalled five times as often as numbers associated with high arousal words. The capacity to recall numbers associated with low arousal words decreases as a function of time in a normal forgetting curve pattern. On the other hand, the capacity to recall numbers associated with high arousal words shows a considerable reminiscence effect. After 20 min., the increase is more than 100 percent, and after 45 min. it has increased 400 percent. This high capacity for recall of high arousal pairs persists for at least a week—the longest interval employed.

 

Analysis of variance (Lindquist, 1953) for correct responses confirms the trends in the figure at p < .001 (Table 1). The significant interaction is primarily attributable to the effect of the immediate condition, F(1, 15) = 11.36, p < .005, and the 1-wk. condition, F(1,7) = 11.67, p < .025. Thus at immediate recall, low arousal learning is significantly greater than high arousal learning; after 1 wk., the situation has reversed and high arousal recall is significantly better than low arousal recall.

 

As can be seen in Table 2 the distribution of items at different times sampled forms no systematic patterns that might account for the results obtained. This table shows the proportion of each of the eight items at each time sampled for both high and low arousal learning.

 

DISCUSSION

 

The increase in the capacity to recall items learned under conditions of high arousal in contrast to items learned under low arousal conditions provides further support for the theory of reverberating neural circuits. A somewhat simplified physiological explanation of the processes involved may be pictured as follows. When a person perceives a pattern, a closed, reverberating neural circuit is set up in his brain corresponding to this pattern. The more nonspecific neural activity or arousal present, the greater the number of times which the trace is likely to reverberate. And the greater this perseverative consolidation of the neural trace, the stronger the permanent memory.

 

However the apparent paradox is that while perseveration is taking place, recall ability is poor. This follows from the hypothesis that at any given instant the neurons involved in the perseverating trace are either already in the process of firing, or are in an absolute refractory state, or may be in a state of slowly developing subthreshold activity (Hodgkin, 1948); thus the trace would be relatively unavailable to the organism. With greater arousal there will be increased perseveration and thus poorer immediate performance.

 

This explanation coincides with the empirical findings. High arousal learning showed poor immediate recall due to the hypothesized period of unavailability of the trace, while recall was better under low arousal, for this immediate period. The long-term effects are, as predicted, in the opposite direction. There was significantly poorer long-term retention under low arousal and superior long-term retention under high arousal. This is in keeping with the expectation that there would be more consolidation and thus better learning under high arousal.

 

Reminiscence has become so rare in recent years that Underwood (1953) has wondered if it might not be a prewar phenomenon. This study suggests that methodological considerations might be an important factor in the return of reminiscence. The innovation in this experiment consisted of measuring arousal during learning and thus independently determining in advance which items should show reminiscence effects and which should not. When recall as a function of time is plotted for all items at once, little reminiscence is evident.

 

NOTE

 

1. This investigation was supported in part by a research grant (M4239) from the National Institutes of Health, Public Health Service. The Ss in this study were run by Robert D. Tarte, research assistant on this project.

 

 


 

The Misbehavior of Organisms

 

KELLER BRELAND and MARIAN BRELAND,

Animal Behavior Enterprises, Hot Spring, Arkansas

 

 

There seems to be a continuing realization by psychologists that perhaps the white rat cannot reveal everything there is to know about behavior. Among the voices raised on this topic, Beach (1950) has emphasized the necessity of widening the range of species subjected to experimental techniques and conditions. However, psychologists as a whole do not seem to be heeding these admonitions, as Whalen (1961) has pointed out.

 

Perhaps this reluctance is due in part to some dark precognition of what they might find in such investigations, for the ethologists Lorenz (1950, p. 233) and Tinbergen (1951, p. 6) have warned that if psychologists are to understand and predict the behavior of organisms, it is essential that they become thoroughly familiar with the instinctive behavior patterns of each new species they essay to study. Of course, the Watsonian or neobehavioristically oriented experimenter is apt to consider “instinct” an ugly word. He tends to class it with Hebb’s (1960) other “seditious notions” which were discarded in the behavioristic revolution, and he may have some premonition that he will encounter this bete noir in extending the range of species and situations studied.

 

We can assure him that his apprehensions are well grounded. In our attempt to extend a behavioristically oriented approach to the engineering control of animal behavior by operant conditioning techniques, we have fought a running battle with the seditious notion of instinct.1 It might be of some interest to the psychologist to know how the battle is going and to learn something about the nature of the adversary he is likely to meet if and when he tackles new species in new learning situations.

 

Our first report (Breland & Breland, 1951) in the American Psychologist, concerning our experiences in controlling animal behavior, was wholly affirmative and optimistic, saying in essence that the principles derived from the laboratory could be applied to the extensive control of behavior under nonlaboratory conditions throughout a considerable segment of the phylogenetic scale.

 

When we began this work, it was our aim to see if the science would work beyond the laboratory, to determine if animal psychology could stand on its own feet as an engineering discipline. These aims have been realized. We have controlled a wide range of animal behavior and have made use of the great popular appeal of animals to make it an economically feasible project. Conditioned behavior has been exhibited at various municipal zoos and museums of natural history and has been used for department store displays, for fair and trade convention exhibits, for entertainment at tourist attractions, on television shows, and in the production of television commercials. Thirty-eight species, totaling over 6,000 individual animals, have been conditioned, and we have dared to tackle such unlikely subjects as reindeer, cockatoos, raccoons, porpoises, and whales.

 

Emboldened by this consistent reinforcement, we have ventured further and further from the security of the Skinner box. However, in this cavalier extrapolation, we have run afoul of a persistent pattern of discomforting failures. These failures, although disconcertingly frequent and seemingly diverse, fall into a very interesting pattern. They all represent breakdowns of conditioned operant behavior. From a great number of such experiences, we have selected, more or less at random, the following examples.

 

The first instance of our discomfiture might be entitled, What Makes Sammy Dance? In the exhibit in which this occurred, the casual observer sees a grown bantam chicken emerge from a retaining compartment when the door automatically opens. The chicken walks over about 3 feet, pulls a rubber loop on a small box which starts a repeated auditory stimulus pattern (a four-note tune). The chicken then steps up onto an 18-inch, slightly raised disc, thereby closing a timer switch, and scratches vigorously, round and round, over the disc for 15 seconds, at the rate of about two scratches per second until the automatic feeder fires in the retaining compartment. The chicken goes into the compartment to eat, thereby automatically shutting the door. The popular interpretation of this behavior pattern is that the chicken has turned on the “juke box” and “dances.”

 

The development of this behavioral exhibit was wholly unplanned. In the attempt to create quite another type of demonstration which required a chicken simply to stand on a platform for 12—15 seconds, we found that over 50 percent developed a very strong and pronounced scratch pattern, which tended to increase in persistence as the time interval was lengthened. (Another 25 percent or so developed other behaviors—pecking at spots, etc.) However, we were able to change our plans so as to make use of the scratch pattern, and the result was the “dancing chicken” exhibit described above.

 

In this exhibit the only real contingency for reinforcement is that the chicken must depress the platform for 15 seconds. In the course of a performing day (about 3 hours for each chicken) a chicken may turn out over 10,000 unnecessary, virtually identical responses. Operant behaviorists would probably have little hesitancy in labeling this an example of Skinnerian “superstition” (Skinner, 1948) or “mediating” behavior, and we list it first to whet their explanatory appetite.

 

However, a second instance involving a raccoon does not fit so neatly into this paradigm. The response concerned the manipulation of money by the raccoon (who has “hands” rather similar to those of the primates). The contingency for reinforcement was picking up the coins and depositing them in a 5-inch metal box.

 

Raccoons condition readily, have good appetites, and this one was quite tame and an eager subject. We anticipated no trouble. Conditioning him to pick up the first coin was simple. We started out by reinforcing him for picking up a single coin. Then the metal container was introduced, with the requirement that he drop the coin into the container. Here we ran into the first bit of difficulty: he seemed to have a great deal of trouble letting go of the coin. He would rub it up against the inside of the container, pull it back out, and clutch it firmly for several seconds. However, he would finally turn it loose and receive his food reinforcement. Then the final contingency: we put him on a ratio of 2, requiring that he pick up both coins and put them in the container.

 

Now the raccoon really had problems (and so did we). Not only could he not let go of the coins, but he spent seconds, even minutes, rubbing them together (in a most miserly fashion), and dipping them into the container. He carried on this behavior to such an extent that the practical application we had in mind— a display featuring a raccoon putting money in a piggy bank— simply was not feasible. The rubbing behavior became worse and worse as time went on, in spite of nonreinforcement.

 

For the third instance, we return to the gallinaceous birds. The observer sees a hopper full of oval plastic capsules which contain small toys, charms, and the like. When the SD (a light) is presented to the chicken, she pulls a rubber loop which releases one of these capsules onto a slide, about 16 inches long, inclined at about 30 degrees. The capsule rolls down the slide and comes to rest near the end. Here one or two sharp, straight pecks by the chicken will knock it forward off the slide and out to the observer, and the chicken is then reinforced by an automatic feeder. This is all very well—most chickens are able to master these contingencies in short order. The loop pulling presents no problems; she then has only to peck the capsule off the slide to get her reinforcement.

 

However, a good 20 percent of all chickens tried on this set of contingencies fail to make the grade. After they have pecked a few capsules off the slide, they begin to grab at the capsules and drag them backwards into the cage. Here they pound them up and down on the floor of the cage. Of course, this results in no reinforcement for the chicken, and yet some chickens will pull in over half of all the capsules presented to them.

 

Almost always this problem behavior does not appear until after the capsules begin to move down the slide. Conditioning is begun with stationary capsules placed by the experimenter. When the pecking behavior becomes strong enough, so that the chicken is knocking them off the slide and getting reinforced consistently, the loop pulling is conditioned to the light. The capsules then come rolling down the slide to the chicken. Here most chickens, who before did not have this tendency, will start grabbing and shaking.

 

The fourth incident also concerns a chicken. Here the observer sees a chicken in a cage about 4 feet long which is placed alongside a miniature baseball field. The reason for the cage is the interesting part. At one end of the cage is an automatic electric feed hopper. At the other is an opening through which the chicken can reach and pull a loop on a bat. If she pulls the loop hard enough the bat (solenoid operated) will swing, knocking a small baseball up the playing field. If it gets past the miniature toy players on the field and hits the back fence, the chicken is automatically reinforced with food at the other end of the cage. If it does not go far enough, or hits one of the players, she tries again. This results in behavior on an irregular ratio. When the feeder sounds, she then runs down the length of the cage and eats.

 

Our problems began when we tried to remove the cage for photography. Chickens that had been well conditioned in this behavior became wildly excited when the ball started to move. They would jump up on the playing field, chase the ball all over the field, even knock it off on the floor and chase it around, pecking it in every direction, although they had never had access to the ball before. This behavior was so persistent and so disruptive, in spite of the fact that it was never reinforced, that we had to reinstate the cage.

 

The last instance we shall relate in detail is one of the most annoying and baffling for a good behaviorist. Here a pig was conditioned to pick up large wooden coins and deposit them in a large “piggy bank.” The coins were placed several feet from the bank and the pig required to carry them to the bank and deposit them, usually four or five coins for one reinforcement. (Of course, we started out with one coin, near the bank.)

 

Pigs condition very rapidly, they have no trouble taking ratios, they have ravenous appetites (naturally), and in many ways are among the most tractable animals we have worked with. However, this particular problem behavior developed in pig after pig, usually after a period of weeks or months, getting worse every day. At first the pig would eagerly pick up one dollar, carry it to the bank, run back, get another, carry it rapidly and neatly, and so on, until the ratio was complete. Thereafter, over a period of weeks the behavior would become slower and slower. He might run over eagerly for each dollar, but on the way back, instead of carrying the dollar and depositing it simply and cleanly, he would repeatedly drop it, root it, drop it again, root it along the way, pick it up, toss it up in the air, drop it, root it some more, and so on.

 

We thought this behavior might simply be the dilly-dallying of an animal on a low drive. However, the behavior persisted and gained in strength in spite of a severely increased drive—he finally went through the ratios so slowly that he did not get enough to eat in the course of a day. Finally it would take the pig about 10 minutes to transport four coins a distance of about 6 feet. This problem behavior developed repeatedly in successive pigs.

 

There have also been other instances: hamsters that stopped working in a glass case after four or five reinforcements, porpoises and whales that swallow their manipulanda (balls and inner tubes), cats that will not leave the area of the feeder, rabbits that will not go to the feeder, the great difficulty in many species of conditioning vocalization with food reinforcement, problems in conditioning a kick in a cow, the failure to get appreciably increased effort out of the ungulates with increased drive, and so on. These we shall not dwell on in detail, nor shall we discuss how they might be overcome.

 

These egregious failures came as a rather considerable shock to us, for there was nothing in our background in behaviorism to prepare us for such gross inabilities to predict and control the behavior of animals with which we had been working for years.

 

The examples listed we feel represent a clear and utter failure of conditioning theory. They are far from what one would normally expect on the basis of the theory alone. Furthermore, they are definite, observable; the diagnosis of theory failure does not depend on subtle statistical interpretations or on semantic legerdemain—the animal simply does not do what he has been conditioned, to do.

 

It seems perfectly clear that, with the possible exception of the dancing chicken, which could conceivably, as we have said, be explained in terms of Skinner’s superstition paradigm, the other instances do not fit the behavioristic way of thinking. Here we have animals, after having been conditioned to a specific learned response, gradually drifting into behaviors that are entirely different from those which were conditioned. Moreover, it can easily be seen that these particular behaviors to which the animals drift are clear-cut examples of instinctive behaviors having to do with the natural food getting behaviors of the particular species.

 

The dancing chicken is exhibiting the gallinaceous birds’ scratch pattern that in nature often precedes ingestion. The chicken that hammers capsules is obviously exhibiting instinctive behavior having to do with breaking open of seed pods or the killing of insects, grubs, etc. The raccoon is demonstrating socalled “washing behavior.” The rubbing and washing response may result, for example, in the removal of the exoskeleton of a crayfish. The pig is rooting or shaking—behaviors which are strongly built into this species and are connected with the food getting repertoire.

 

These patterns to which the animals drift require greater physical output and therefore are a violation of the so-called “law of least effort.” And most damaging of all, they stretch out the time required for reinforcement when nothing in the experimental setup requires them to do so. They have only to do the little tidbit of behavior to which they were conditioned—for example, pick up the coin and put it in the container—to get reinforced immediately. Instead, they drag the process out for a matter of minutes when there is nothing in the contingency which forces them to do this. Moreover, increasing the drive merely intensifies this effect.

 

It seems obvious that these animals are trapped by strong instinctive behaviors, and clearly we have here a demonstration of the prepotency of such behavior patterns over those which have been conditioned. We have termed this phenomenon “instinctive drift.” The general principle seems to be that wherever an animal has strong instinctive behaviors in the area of the conditioned response, after continued running the organism will drift toward the instinctive behavior to the detriment of the conditioned behavior and even to the delay or preclusion of the reinforcement. In a very boiled-down, simplified form, it might be stated as “learned behavior drifts toward instinctive behavior.”

 

All this, of course, is not to disparage the use of conditioning techniques, but is intended as a demonstration that there are definite weaknesses in the philosophy underlying these techniques. The pointing out of such weaknesses should make possible a worthwhile revision in behavior theory.

 

The notion of instinct has now become one of our basic concepts in an effort to make sense of the welter of observations which confront us. When behaviorism tossed out instinct, it is our feeling that some of its power of prediction and control were lost with it. From the foregoing examples, it appears that although it was easy to banish the Instinctivists from the science during the Behavioristic Revolution, it was not possible to banish instinct so easily.

 

And if, as Hebb suggests, it is advisable to reconsider those things that behaviorism explicitly threw out, perhaps it might likewise be advisable to examine what they tacitly brought in— the hidden assumptions which led most disastrously to these breakdowns in the theory.

 

Three of the most important of these tacit assumptions seem to us to be: that the animal comes to the laboratory as a virtual tabula rasa, that species differences are insignificant, and that all responses are about equally conditionable to all stimuli.

It is obvious, we feel, from the foregoing account, that these assumptions are no longer tenable. After 14 years of continuous conditioning and observation of thousands of animals, it is our reluctant conclusion that the behavior of any species cannot be adequately understood, predicted, or controlled without knowledge of its instinctive patterns, evolutionary history, and ecological niche.

 

In spite of our early successes with the application of behavioristically oriented conditioning theory, we readily admit now that ethological facts and attitudes in recent years have done more to advance our practical control of animal behavior than recent reports from American “learning labs.”

 

Moreover, as we have recently discovered, if one begins with evolution and instinct as the basic format for the science, a very illuminating viewpoint can be developed which leads naturally to a drastically revised and simplified conceptual framework of startling explanatory power (to be reported elsewhere).

 

It is hoped that this playback on the theory will be behavioral technology’s partial repayment to the academic science whose impeccable empiricism we have used so extensively.

 

NOTE

 

1. In view of the fact that instinctive behaviors may be common to many zoological species, we consider species specific to be a sanitized misnomer, and prefer the possibly septic adjective instinctive.

 

 


 

Phyletic Differences in Learning1

 

M. E. BITTERMAN, Bryn Mawr College

 

 

One way to study the role of the brain in learning is to compare the learning of animals with different brains. Differences in brain structure may be produced by surgical means, or they may be found in nature—as when the learning of different species is compared. Of these two approaches the first (the neurosurgical approach) has been rather popular, but the potentialities of the second still are largely unexplored. Students of learning in animals have been content for the most part to concentrate their attention on a few closely related mammalian forms, chosen largely for reasons of custom and convenience, which they have treated as representative of animals in general. Their work has been dominated almost from its inception by the hypothesis that the laws of learning are the same for all animals—that the wide differences in brain structure which occur in the animal series have a purely quantitative significance.

 

The hypothesis comes to us from Thorndike (1911), who more than any other man may be credited with having brought the study of animal intelligence into the laboratory. On the basis of his early comparative experiments, Thorndike decided that however much animals might differ in “what” they learned (which could be traced, he thought, to differences in their sensory, motor, and motivational properties), or in the “degree” of their learning ability (some seemed able to learn more than others, and more quickly), the principles which governed their learning were the same. Thorndike wrote:

 

If my analysis is true, the evolution of behavior is a rather simple matter. Formally the crab, fish, turtle, dog, cat, monkey and baby have very similar intellects and characters. All are systems of connections subject to change by the laws of exercise and effect [p. 280].

 

Although Thorndike’s hypothesis was greeted with considerable skepticism, experiments with a variety of animals began to turn up functional similarities far more impressive than differences, and before long there was substantial disagreement only as to the nature of the laws which were assumed to hold for all animals. As acceptance of the hypothesis grew, the range of animals studied in experiments on learning declined—which, of course, was perfectly reasonable. If the laws of learning were the same everywhere in the animal series, there was nothing to be gained from the study of many different animals; indeed, standardization offered many advantages which it would be foolish to ignore. As the range of animals declined, however, so also did the likelihood of discovering any differences which might in fact exist.

 

It is difficult for the nonspecialist to appreciate quite how restricted has been the range of animals studied in experiments on animal learning because the restriction is so marked; the novelty of work with lower animals is such that two or three inexpressibly crude experiments with a flatworm may be better publicized than a hundred competent experiments with the rat. Some quantitative evidence on the degree of restriction was provided about 20 years ago by Schneirla, whose conclusion then was that “we do not have a comparative psychology [Harriman, 1946, p. 814].” Schneirla’s analysis was carried further by Beach (1950), who plotted the curves which are reproduced in Figure 1. Based on a count of all papers appearing between 1911 and

1948 in the Journal of Animal Behavior and its successors, the Journal of Comparative Psychology, and the Journal of Comparative and Physiological Psychology, the curves show how interest in the rat mounted while interest in submammalian forms declined. By the ‘30s, a stable pattern had emerged: about 60 percent of papers on the rat, 30 percent on other mammals (mostly primates), and 10 percent on lower forms. The set of points at the extreme right, which I have added for the decade after 1948, shows no change in the pattern. You will note that these curves are based on papers published only in a single line of journals, and on all papers in those journals—not only the ones which deal with learning; but most of the papers do deal with learning, and I know of no other journal which is a richer source of information about learning in submammalians or which, if included in the tabulation, would alter the conclusion that what we know about learning in animals we know primarily from the intensive study of a small number of mammalian forms.

 

 

How widespread is the acceptance of Thorndike’s hypothesis by contemporary theorists and systematists may be judged from a set of writings recently assembled by Koch (1959). Skinner is quite explicit in his assumption that which animal is studied “doesn’t matter.” When due allowance has been made for differences in sensory and motor characteristics, he explains, “what remains of . . . behavior shows astonishingly similar properties [Koch, 1959, p. 375].” Tolman, Miller, Guthrie, Estes, and Logan (representing Hull and Spence) rest their perfectly general conclusions about the nature of learning on the data of experiments with a few selected mammals—mostly rat, monkey, and man— skipping lightly back and forth from one to another as if indeed structure did not matter, although Miller “does not deny the possibility that men may have additional capacities which are much less well developed or absent in the lower mammals [Koch, 1959, p. 204].” Harlow alone makes a case for species differences in learning, pointing to the unequal rates of improvement shown by various mammals (mostly primates) trained in long series of discriminative problems, but he gives us no reason to believe that the differences are more than quantitative. While he implies clearly that the capacity for interproblem transfer may be absent entirely in certain lower animals—in the rat, he says, it exists only in a “most rudimentary form [Koch, 1959, p. 505]”—sub- mammalian evidence is lacking.

 

Although I have been considering thus far only the work of the West, I do not think that things have been very different on the other side of the Curtain. The conditioning has been “classical” rather than “instrumental” in the main, and the favored animal has been the dog rather than the rat, but the range of animals studied in any detail has been small, at least until quite recently, and the principles discovered have been generalized widely. In the words of Voronin (1962), the guiding Pavlovian propositions have been that

 

The conditioned reflex is a universal mechanism of activity acquired in the course of the organism’s individual life . . . . [and that] In the course of evolution of the animal world there took place only a quantitative growth or complication of higher nervous activity [pp. 161—162].

 

These propositions are supported, Voronin believes, by the results of some recent Russian comparisons of mammalian and submammalian vertebrates. On the basis of these results, he defines three stages in the evolution of intelligence which are distinguished in terms of the increasing role of learning in the life of the individual organism, and in terms of the precision and delicacy of the learning process. He hastens to assure us, however, that there is nothing really new even at the highest stage, which differs from the others only quantitatively.

 

The results of the experiments which I shall now describe support quite another view. I began these experiments without very much in the way of conviction as to their outcome, although the formal attractions of the bold Thorndikian hypothesis were rather obvious, and I should have been pleased on purely esthetic grounds to be able to accept it. I was convinced only that the hypothesis had not yet received the critical scrutiny it seemed to warrant, and that it was much too important to be taken any longer on faith. With the familiar rat as a standard, I selected for comparative study another animal—a fish—which I thought similar enough to the rat that it could be studied in analogous experiments, yet different enough to afford a marked neuroanatomical contrast. I did not propose to compare the two animals in terms of numerical scores, as, for example, the number of trials required for (or the number of errors made in) the mastery of some problem, because such differences would not necessarily imply the operation of different learning processes. I proposed instead of compare them in terms of functional relations—to find out whether their performance would be affected in the same way by the same variables (Bitterman, 1960). Why I chose to begin with certain variables rather then others probably is not worth considering—the choice was largely intuitive; whatever the reasons, the experiments soon turned up some substantial differences in the learning of fish and rat. I shall describe here two of those differences, and then present the results of some further experiments which were designed to tell us what they mean.

 

One of the situations developed for the study of learning in the fish is illustrated in Figure 2. The animal is brought in its individual living tank to a black Plexiglas enclosure. The manipulanda are two Plexiglas disks (targets) at which the animal is trained to strike. The targets are mounted on rods set into the needle holders of phonograph cartridges in such a way that when the animal makes contact with one of the targets a voltage is generated across its cartridge. This voltage is used to operate a set of relays which record the response and control its consequences. The targets are illuminated with colored lights or patterns projected upon them from behind; on any given trial, for example, the left target may be green and the right one red, or the left target may show a triangle and the right one a circle. The reward for correct choice is a Tubifex worm discharged into the water through a small opening at the top of the enclosure—the worm is discharged from an eye-dropper whose bulb is compressed by a pair of solenoid-operated jaws. When a worm is dropped, a magazine light at the rear of the enclosure is turned on for a few seconds, which signals that a worm has been dropped and provides some diffuse illumination which enables the animal to find it. All of the events of training are programmed automatically and recorded on tape.2

 

 

I shall talk about two kinds of experiments which have been done in this situation. The first is concerned with habit reversal. Suppose an animal is trained to choose one of two stimuli, either for a fixed number of trials or to some criterion level of correct choice, and then the positive and negative stimuli are reversed; that is, the previously unrewarded stimulus now is rewarded, and the previously rewarded stimulus is unrewarded. After the same number of trials as were given in the original problem, or when the original criterion has been reached in the first reversal, the positive and negative stimuli are reversed again—and so forth.

 

In such an experiment, the rat typically shows a dramatic improvement in performance. It may make many errors in the early reversals, but as training proceeds it reverses more and more readily.

 

In Figure 3, the performance of a group of African mouth- breeders is compared with that of a group of rats in a series of spatial reversals. (In a spatial problem, the animal chooses between a pair of stimuli which differ only with respect to their position in space, and reinforcement is correlated with position, e.g., the stimulus on the left is reinforced.) The apparatus used for the rat was analogous to the apparatus for the fish which you have already seen. On each trial, the animal was offered a choice between two identically illuminated panels set into the wall of the experimental chamber. It responded by pressing one of the panels, and correct choice operated a feeder which discharged a pellet of food into a lighted food cup. The fish were trained in an early version of the apparatus which you have already seen. For both species, there were 20 trials per day to the criterion of 17 out of 20 correct choices, positive and negative positions being reversed for each animal whenever it met that criterion. Now consider the results. The upper curve of the pair you see here is quite representative of the performance of rats in such a prob1cm—rising at first, and then falling in negatively accelerated fashion to a low level; with a little more training than is shown here, the animals reverse after but a single error. The lower curve is quite representative of the performance of fish in such a problem—there is no progressive improvement, but instead some tendency toward progressive deterioration as training continues.

 

How is this difference to be interpreted? We may ask first whether the results indicate anything beyond a quantitative difference in the learning of the two animals. It might be contended that reversal learning simply goes on more slowly in the fish than in the rat—that in 10 or 15 more reversals the fish, too, would have shown progressive improvement. In fact, however, the training of fish has been carried much further in later experiments, some animals completing more than 150 reversals without any sign of improvement. I invite anyone who remains skeptical on this point to persist even longer in the search for improvement.

 

 

Another possibility to be considered is that the difference between fish and rat which is reflected in these curves is not a difference in learning at all, but a difference in some confounded variable—sensory, motor, or motivational. Who can say, for example, whether the sensory and the motor demands made upon the two animals in these experiments were exactly the same? Who can say whether the fish were just as hungry as the rats, or whether the bits of food given the fish were equal in reward value to those given the rats? It would, I must admit, be a rare coincidence indeed if the conditions employed for the two animals were exactly equal in all of these potentially important respects. How, then, is it possible to find out whether the results obtained are to be attributed to a difference in learning, or to a difference in sensory, or in motor, or in motivational factors? A frank critic might say that it was rather foolish to have made the comparison in the first place, when a moment’s thought would have shown that it could not possibly have any meaningful out-come. It is interesting to note that neither Harlow nor Voronin shows any appreciation of this problem. We may doubt, then, whether they have evidence even for quantitative differences in the learning of their various animals.

 

I do not, of course, know how to arrange a set of conditions for the fish which will make sensory and motor demands exactly equal to those which are made upon the rat in some given experimental situation. Nor do I know how to equate drive level or reward value in the two animals. Fortunately, however, meaningful comparisons still are possible, because for control by equation we may substitute what I call control by systematic variation. Consider, for example, the hypothesis that the difference between the curves which you see here is due to a difference, not in learning, but in degree of hunger. The hypothesis implies that there is a level of hunger at which the fish will show progressive improvement, and, put in this way, the hypothesis becomes easy to test. We have only to vary level of hunger widely in different groups of fish, which we know well how to do. If, despite the widest possible variation in hunger, progressive improvement fails to appear in the fish, we may reject the hunger hypothesis. Hypotheses about other variables also may be tested by systematic variation. With regard to the question of reversal learning, I shall simply say here that progressive improvement has appeared in the rat under a wide variety of experimental conditions—it is difficult, in fact, to find a set of conditions under which the rat does not show improvement. In the fish, by contrast, reliable evidence of improvement has failed to appear under a variety of conditions.

 

 

I cannot, of course, prove that the fish is incapable of progressive improvement. I only can give you evidence of failure to find it in the course of earnest efforts; and the point is important enough, perhaps, that you may be willing to look at some more negative results. The curves of Figure 4 summarize the outcome of an experiment in which the type of problem was varied. Three groups of mouthbreeders were given 40 trials per day and reversed daily, irrespective of their performance. In the visual problem, reinforcement was correlated with color and independent of position, which varied randomly from trial to trial; e.g., red positive on odd days and green positive on even days. In the confounded problem, reinforcement was correlated both with color and position; e.g., red always on the left, green always on the right, with red-left positive on odd days and green-right positive on even days. The Riopelle problem was like the visual problem, except that each day’s colors were chosen from a group of four, with the restriction that there be no more than partial reversal from one day to the next; i.e., yesterday’s negative now positive with a “new” color negative, or yesterday’s positive now negative with a “new” color now positive. The upper curves show that there was no improvement over days in any of the three problems (the suggestion of an initial decline in the confounded curve is not statistically reliable). The lower curves show that there was a considerable amount of learning over the 40 trials of each day in each problem and at every stage of training, but that the pattern of improvement over trials did not change as training continued. Negative results of this sort now have been obtained under a variety of conditions wide enough, I think, that the burden of proof now rests with the skeptic. Until someone produces positive results, I shall assume that the fish is incapable of progressive improvement, and that we have come here upon a difference in the learning of fish and rat.

 

Experiments on probability learning also have given different results for rat and fish. Suppose that we train an animal in a choice situation with a ratio of reinforcement other than 100:0; that is, instead of rewarding one alternative on 100 percent of trials and the other never, we reward one alternative on, say, a random 70 percent of trials and the other on the remaining 30 percent of trials, thus constituting what may be called a 70:30 problem. Under some conditions, rat and fish both “maximize” in such a problem, which is to say that they tend always to choose the more frequently reinforced alternative. Under other conditions—specifically, under conditions in which the distribution of reinforcements is exactly controlled—the rat continues to maximize, but the fish “matches,” which is to say that its distribution of choices approximates the distribution of reinforcements: In a 70:30 problem, it chooses the 70 percent alternative on about 70 percent of trials and the 30 percent alternative on the remaining trials.

 

 

Figure 5 shows some sample data for a visual problem in which the discriminanda were horizontal and vertical stripes. In the first stage of the experiment, response to one of the stripes was rewarded on a random 70 percent of each day’s 20 trials, and response to the other stripe was rewarded on the remaining 30 percent of the trials—a 70:30 problem. In the second stage of the experiment the ratio of reinforcement was changed to 100:0, response to the 70 percent stripe of the first stage being consistently rewarded. The curves shown are plotted in terms of the percentage of each day’s responses which were made to the more frequently rewarded alternative. The fish went rapidly from a near-chance level of preference for the 70 percent stimulus to about a 70 percent preference, which was maintained from Day 5 until Day 30. With the beginning of the 100:0 training, the preference shifted rapidly upward to about the 95 percent level. The preference of the rats for the more frequently reinforced stimulus rose gradually from a near-chance level at the start of the 70:80 training to about the 90 percent level on Day 30. In the 10 days of 100:0 training, this preference continued to increase gradually, as it might have done irrespective of the shift from inconsistent to consistent reinforcement. Some further evidence of the close correspondence between choice ratio and reward ratio, which is easy to demonstrate in the fish, is presented in Figure 6. The upper portion shows the performance of two groups of mouthbreeders; one trained on a 100:0 and the other on a 70:30 confounded (black-white) problem, and both then shifted to the 0:100 problem (the less frequently rewarded alternative of the first phase now being consistently rewarded). The lower portion shows what happened when one group then was shifted to 40:60 and the other to 20:80, after which both were shifted to 50:50.

 

 

Two characteristics of these data should be noted. First, the probability matching which the fish curves demonstrate is an individual, not a group phenomenon—that is, it is not an artifact of averaging. All the animals in the group behave in much the same way. I make this obvious point because some averaged data which have been taken as evidence of matching in the rat are indeed unrepresentative of individual performances.3 Second, the matching shown by the fish is random rather than systematic. The distribution of choices recorded in the 70:30 problem looks like the distribution of colors which might be obtained by drawing marbles at random from a sack of black and white marbles with a color ratio of 70:30—that is, no sequential dependency is to be found in the data. While the rat typically maximizes, it may on occasion show a correspondence of choice ratio and reward ratio which can be traced to some systematic pattern of choice, like the patterns which are displayed in analogous experiments by human subjects. For example, a correspondence reported by Hickson (1961) has been traced to a tendency in his rats to choose on each trial the alternative which had been rewarded on the immediately preceding trial. Quite the opposite tendency, which also tends to produce a correspondence between choice ratio and reinforcement ratio, has been found in the monkey—a tendency to avoid the rewarded alternative of the preceding trial (Wilson, Oscar, & Bitterman, l964a, l964b). The matching shown by the fish, which I shall call random matching, is a very different sort of thing.

 

Here then, are two striking differences between rat and fish. In experiments on habit reversal, the rat shows progressive improvement while the fish does not. In experiments on probability learning, the fish shows random matching while the rat does not. These results suggest a number of interesting questions, of which I shall raise here only two: First, there is the question of how the two differences are related. From the point of view of parsimony, the possibility must be considered that they reflect a single underlying difference in the functioning of the two animals—one which has to do with adjustment to inconsistent reinforcement. Inconsistency of reinforcement certainly is involved in both kinds of experiment, between sessions in reversal learning and within sessions in probability learning. It also is possible, however, that the results for reversal learning reflect one functional difference and the results for probability learning quite another. A second question concerns the relation between the observed differences in behavior and differences in brain structure. We may wonder, for example, to what extent the cortex of the rat is responsible for its progressive improvement in habit reversal, or for its failure to show random matching. In an effort to answer such questions we have begun to do some experiments, analogous to those which differentiate fish and normal rat, with a variety of other animals, and with rats surgically deprived in infancy of relevant brain tissues.

 

 

I shall describe first some results for extensively decorticated rats (Gonzalez et al., 1964). The animals were operated on at the age of 15 or 16 days in a one-stage procedure which resulted in the destruction of about 70 percent of the cortex. Two sample lesions, one relatively small and one relatively large, are shown in Figure 7. The experimental work with the operates, like the work with normals, was begun after they had reached maturity— at about 90 days of age. From the methodological viewpoint, work with a brain-injured animal is perfectly equivalent to work with a normal animal of another species, and rats operated in our standard fashion are treated in all respects as such, with systematic variation employed to control for the effects of sensory, motor, and motivational factors. The substantive relation of the work with decorticated rats to the work with normal animals of different species is obvious: We are interested in whether extensivecortical damage will produce in the rat the kinds of behavior which are characteristic of precortical animals, such as the fish, or of animals with only very limited cortical development.

 

The results for decorticated rats emphasize the importance of the distinction between spatial and visual problems. In a pure spatial problem, you will remember, the two alternatives are identical except for position in space, and reinforcement is correlated with position, e.g., the alternative on the left is reinforced. In a pure visual problem, the two alternatives are visually differentiated, each occupying each of the two positions equally often, and reinforcement is correlated with visual appearance— e.g., the green alternative is reinforced independently of its position. The behavior of the decorticated rat is indistinguishable from that of the normal rat in spatial problems, but in visual problems it differs from the normal in the same way as does the fish.

 

The criterion-reversal performance of a group of decorticated rats trained in a spatial problem is shown in Figure 8 along with that of a group of normal controls. There were 20 trials per day by the correction method, and the criterion of learning was 17 out of 20 correct choices. As you can see, the performance of the two groups was very much the same in the original problem. In the first 10 reversals the operates made more errors than did the normals, but (like the normals) they showed progressive improvement, and in the last 10 reversals, there was no difference between the two groups. The results for two additional groups, decorticated and normal, trained under analogous conditions in a visual problem (a brightness discrimination) are plotted in Figure 9. Again, the performance of normals and operates was much the same in the original problem. In the subsequent reversals, the error scores of the normal animals rose at first and then declined in characteristic fashion, but the error scores of the operates rose much more markedly and showed no subsequent tendency to decline.

 

In spatial probability learning the performance of the operates was indistinguishable from that of normals, but in visual probability learning the operates showed random matching. The asymptotic preferences of operates and normals, first in a 70:30 and then in a 50:50 brightness discrimination, are shown in

to maximize in the 70:30 problem. The two whose preferences came closest to 70 percent adopted rigid position habits (CP) in the 50:50 problem, while one of the others also responded to position, and two continued in the previously established preference. In both spatial experiments, then, the decorticated rats behaved like normal rats, while in both visual experiments they behaved like fish.

 

 

These results are compatible with the hypothesis that the cortex of the rat is responsible in some measure for its progressive improvement in habit reversal and for its failure to show random probability matching, at least in visual problems. They are compatible also with the hypothesis that the behavioral differences between fish and rat which appear in the two kinds of experiment are reflections of a single functional difference between the two species. The latter hypothesis is contradicted, however, by some results for the pigeon which I shall now describe. I need not go into any detail about the experimental situation, because it is a fairly familiar one. Suffice it to say that the Skinnerian key-pecking apparatus was adapted for discrete-trials choice experiments directly analogous to those done with fish and rat. The bird, in a darkened enclosure, pecks at one of two lighted keys, correct choice being rewarded by access to grain. Contingencies are programmed automatically, and responses are recorded on tape.

 

 

In experiments on habit reversal, both visual and spatial, the pigeon behaves like the rat; that is, it gives clear evidence of progressive improvement (Bullock & Bitterman, 1962a). Shown in Figure 10 is the criterion-reversal performance of a group of pigeons trained in a blue-green discrimination. There were 40 trials per day to the criterion of 34 correct choices in the 40 trials, with positive and negative colors reversed for each animal whenever it met that criterion. The results look very much like those obtained in analogous experiments with the rat: There is an initial increase in mean errors to criterion, followed by a progressive, negatively accelerated decline. Now what can we say of the behavior of the pigeon in experiments on probability learning? Figure 11 gives evidence of a correspondence between choice ratio and reward ratio as close in the pigeon as in the fish, and statistical analysis shows that the matching is random. The points for the pigeon, like those for the fish, represent the pooled results of a variety of experiments, both published and unpublished, which were carried out in my laboratory. Unlike the points for the fish, however, the points for the pigeon are based only on visual data, because the pigeon shows random matching only in visual problems; in spatial problems it tends to maximize (Bullock & Bitterman, 1962; Graf, Bullock, & Bitterman, 1964).

 

The results for the pigeon, then, are in a sense intermediate between those for the rat and for the fish. Like the rat, the pigeon shows progressive improvement in habit reversal, but, like the fish, it shows random probability matching—in visual problems if not in spatial ones. One conclusion which may be drawn from these results is that experiments on habit reversal and experiments on probability learning tap somewhat different processes. If the processes were the same, any animal would behave either like the fish, or like the rat, in both kinds of experiment. We have, then, been able to separate the processes underlying the two phenomena which differentiate fish and rat by a method which might be called phylogenetic filtration. It is interesting, too, that the visual-spatial dichotomy which appeared in work with the decorticated rat appears again in the probability learning of the pigeon. In experiments on habit reversal, the pigeon behaves like a normal rat; in experiments on probability learning, the pigeon behaves, not like a fish, but like an extensively decorticated rat.

 

 

Now let me show you some comparable data for several other species. Being very much interested in the reptilian brain, which is the first to show true cortex, I have devoted a good deal of effort to the development of a satisfactory technique for the study of learning in the painted turtle. After some partial success with a primitive I maze (Kirk & Bitterman, 1963), I came finally to the situation diagramed in Figure 12. As in our latest apparatus for monkey, rat, pigeon, and fish, the turtle is presented with two differentially illuminated targets between which it chooses by pressing against one of them. Correct choice is rewarded with a pellet of hamburger or fish which is rotated into the chamber on a solenoid-driven tray. Some experiments on habit reversal now under way in this situation have yielded the data plotted in Figure 13. One group of turtles was trained on a spatial problem (both targets the same color) and another group on a visual problem (red versus green). There were 20 trials per day, with reversal after every 4 days. As you can see, progressive improvement has appeared in the spatial problem, but not in the visual problem. Some experiments on probability learning also are under way in this situation. In spatial problems, only maximizing and nonrandom matching (reward following) have been found, but in visual problems, random matching has begun to appear. This pattern of results, you will remember, is exactly that which was found in decorticated rats. Insofar as performance in these tests is concerned, then, extensive decortication in infancy turns rats into turtles.

 

 

 

I come now to some work with invertebrates. Diagramed in Figure 14 is a Y maze for the cockroach used in the experiments of Longo (1964). The technique is a much cruder one than those used for vertebrates, but it represents, I think, a considerable advance over anything that has yet been done with the cockroach. The motive utilized is shock avoidance: Ten seconds after the animal is introduced into the starting box, shock is turned on, and remains on, until the animal enters the goal box, which is its home cage; if the animal reaches the goal box in less than 10 seconds, it avoids shock entirely. Choices are detected objectively by. photocells, but complete automation is not possible, because no satisfactory alternative to handling the animal has been found. The results of an experiment on spatial probability learning in the cockroach, which was patterned after those done with vertebrates, are plotted in Figure 15.

 

 

 

Like the fish— but unlike any higher vertebrate—the cockroach shows random matching under spatial conditons. The results of an experiment on spatial habit reversal in the cockroach are plotted in Figure 16. Three groups of animals were given 10 trials per day—one group reversed each day, another group reversed every 4 days, and a control group never reversed during the stage of the experiment for which data are plotted. Although the 4-day group showed no significant improvement (its curve hardly declines at all beyond the first point, which is for the original problem), the daily group did show significant improvement (its curve declining in much the same way as that of the control group). What does this result mean? Have we found in the primitive cockroach a capability which does not exist in the fish? A consideration of some results for the earthworm will help to answer this question.

 

Diagramed in Figure 17 is a T maze developed for the earthworm by Datta (1962). The stem of the maze is bright, warm, and dry, and the animal occasionally is shocked in it. A correct turn at the choice point carries the animal to its dark, moist, cool, shock-free home container, while an incorrect turn is punished with shock from a metal door which converts one arm of the maze into a cul. When the animal is shocked for contact with the door, a sensitive relay in the circuit is energized, thereby providing an objective index of error. This technique, again, is a crude one by vertebrate standards, but it seems to give reliable results. Some sample data on spatial habit reversal are plotted in Figure 18. The worms were given five trials per day and reversed every 4 days. Note that the mean number of errors rose in the first reversal, and thereafter declined progressively, the animals doing better in the fourth and fifth reversals than in the original problem. In a further experiment, however, this improvement was found to be independent of reversal training per se and a function only of general experience in the maze: A control group, trained always to the same side while an experimental group was reversed repeatedly, did not differ from the experimental group when eventually it, too, was reversed. This test for the effects of general experience is feasible in the earthworm, because the turning preferences which it develops do not persist from session to session. The analysis of the progressive improvement shown by the cockroach is, however, a more difficult matter, and I must be content here simply to state Longo’s opinion that it reflects, as in the earthworm, not an improvement in reversal capability, but an improved adjustment to the maze situation. The course of that general improvement is traced by the curve for the control group, which parallels that of the daily group. Nonspecific improvement probably is not as evident in the vertebrate data because general adjustment to the experimental situation proceeds rapidly and is essentially complete at the end of pretraining.4

 

 

The results of these experiments on habit reversal and probability learning in a variety of animals are summarized in Table

2. Spatial and visual problems are categorized separately because they give different results. The rows for all the subjects except one are ordered in accordance with the conventional scale of complexity—monkey at the top and earthworm at the bottom. The only subject whose place in the table is not based on preconceived complexity is the decorticated rat, whose placement (with the turtle, between the pigeon and the fish) is dictated by experimental outcomes. The differences between fish and rat which provided points of departure for the subsequent work with other organisms also provide a frame of reference for reading the table:

 

 

R means that the results obtained in a given kind of experiment with a given subject are like those for the rat (that is, progressive improvement in habit reversal and failure of random matching), while F means that the results obtained are like those for the fish (that is, random matching and failure of progressive improvement). It should be understood that these entries are made with varying degrees of confidence. Where there are no data, there are no entries, but an entry is made even where, as in the case of the turtle, the data are yet fragmentary and incomplete. All entries are based on data from my laboratory, except those for reversal learning in the monkey, which are based on the literature.

 

The table is an orderly one. In each column there is a single transition from F to R as the scale of subjects is ascended, although the point of transition varies from column to column, suggesting a certain. functional independence: Rat-like behavior in spatial problems of both kinds appears first in decorticated rat and turtle, rat-like behavior in visual reversal learning appears first in pigeon, and rat-like behavior in visual probability learning appears first in rat. The eight subjects fall into four different groupings: monkey and rat in one; pigeon in a second; turtle and decorticated rat in a third; fish, cockroach, and earthworm in a fourth. Monkey and rat fall into the same grouping because they are not differentiated by these experiments when all failures of random probability matching are classified as R. The data for the two mammals do, however, show different kinds of sequential dependency in experiments on probability learning, reward following in the rat giving way in the monkey to the opposite strategy (avoiding the rewarded alternatives of the preceding trial). It is interesting to note that this new strategy of the monkey has been manifested thus far only with respect to the spatial locus of reward, even when the alternatives have been visually distinct. This finding fits the generalization suggested at other points in the table: that as we ascend the phyletic scale new modes of adjustment appear earlier in spatial than in visual contexts.

 

It is of some interest to ask whether R modes of adjustment are in any sense more effective than F modes, and for habit reversal, at least, the answer is clear. Progressive improvement is on its face a superior adjustment, representing a flexibility that cannot help but be of value in an animal’s adjustment to changing life circumstances. The answer for probability learning is less clear, although it can be said that maximizing produces a higher percentage of correct choice than does matching. In a 70:30 problem, for example, the probability of correct choice is .70 for maximizing but only .58— (.70 x .70) + (.30 x .30) for matching. Nonrandom matching is no more successful than random matching by this criterion, but we know that in human subjects it is the outcome of an effort to find a principle that will permit 100 percent correct choice; the hypotheses tested reflect the observed reward ratio, and they produce a corresponding choice ratio. To the degree that nonrandom matching in infrahuman subjects is based on an emerging hypothetical or strategic capability, it represents a considerable functional advance over random matching.

 

The table does, of course, have certain obvious limitations. Clearly, I should like to be able to write bird rather than pigeon, I should like by fish to mean more than mouth breeder, and so forth. It will be interesting to discover how representative of their classes are the particular species studied in these experiments— whose choice was dictated largely by practical considerations— and to extend the comparisons to other classes and phyla. I can say, too, that the behavioral categories used in the table almost certainly will need refining; already the R-F dichotomy is strained by the data on probability learning (with R standing for maximizing, for near maximizing, and for nonrandom matching of several different kinds), while better techniques must be found for isolating the various constituents of progressive improvement in habit reversal. The uncontaminated linear order which now appears in the table, while undeniably esthetic, is rather embarrassing from the standpoint of the far-from-linear evolutionary relationships among the species studied; nonlinearities are perhaps to be expected as the behavioral categories are refined and as the range of tests is broadened.

 

Whatever its limitations, the table is useful, I think, not only as a summary of results already obtained, but as a guide to further research. Almost certainly, the order in the table will permit us to reduce the amount of parametric variation which must be done before we are satisfied that some phenomenon for which we are looking in a given animal is not to be found. Suppose, for example, that we had begun to work with the turtle before the pigeon, and suppose that we had sought persistently, but in vain, for evidence of random matching in spatial probability learning, being satisfied at last to enter an R for the turtle in the second column of the table. Turning then to the pigeon, we should be prepared after many fewer unsuccessful efforts to enter an R. I do not mean, of course, that systematic parametric variation is no longer important in comparative research; we must continue to do a great deal of it, especially at points of transition in the table, and wherever the entries fail to reflect gross discontinuities in the evolutionary histories of the organisms concerned.

 

I do think, however, that the table will save us some parametric effort in certain regions—effort which may be diverted to the task of increasing the range of organisms and the range of tests represented. It does not seem unreasonable to expect that, thus expanded, the table will provide some useful clues to the evolution of intelligence and its relation to the evolution of the brain.

 

NOTES

 

1.
This paper was presented in March 1964, under the auspices of the National Science Foundation and of the National Institute of Mental Health, at the Institut de Psychologie in Paris, the Institute of Experimental Psychology in Oxford, the Institut fur Hirnforschung in Zurich, and the Nencki Institute of Experimental Biology in Warsaw. The research described was supported by Grant MII-02857 from the National Institute of Mental Health and by Contract Nonr 2829 (01) with the Office of Naval Research.
2.
The response-detection system and a dry-pellet feeder are described in Longo and Bitterman (1959). The live-worm dispenser—which makes it possible to extend the work to species (like the goldfish) that do not take an abundance of dry food—is described in Longo and Bitterman (1963). Programming procedures are described in my chapter on “Animal Learning” in Sidowski (1965) . The fully automated technique was developed only after some years of work with less elegant ones which did not permit the complete removal of the experimenter from the experimental situation. The advantages of such removal, from the standpoint of efficiency and of objectivity, should be obvious; yet I have encountered, especially in Europe, a good deal of hostility toward automation. In almost every audience, someone can be counted on to say, rather self-righteously, “I like to watch my animals.” I explain that the automated techniques were developed after a good deal of watching to determine what was worth watching, and that they simply transfer a good part of the watching function to devices more sensitive and reliable than the experimenter, but that they do not rule out the possibility of further watching. In fact, freed of the necessity of programming trials and of recording data, the experimenter now can watch more intently than ever before. The United States has seen great advances in mammalian technique during recent years, while submammalian technique (except for the Skinnerian work with pigeons) has remained terribly primitive. A systematic comparative psychology will require some parallel advances in submammalian technique.
3.
The averaged data are cited by Estes (1957). The distribution of individual performances is given by Bitterman, Wodinsky, and Candland (1958).
4.
A possibility to be considered is that a portion at least of the cockroach’s improvement was due to improvement in the experimenter, of whom the conduct of the experiment required considerable skill. The same may be said of the first in the series of experiments with the fish by Wodinsky and Bitterman (1957) which was the only one to show anything like progressive improvement and whose results have not been replicated in work with automated equipment; the pattern of improvement was, incidentally, quite unlike that found in mammals. A study of another arthropod (the Bermuda land crab) in a simple escape situation, by Datta, Milstein, and Bitterman (1960), gave no evidence of improvement.

 

 


Teaching Sign Language to a Chimpanzee

 

R. ALLEN GARDNER and BREATRICE T. GARDNER,
University of Nevada

 

The extent to which another species might be able to use human language is a classical problem in comparative psychology. One approach to this problem is to consider the nature of language, the processes of learning, the neural mechanisms of learning and of language, and the genetic basis of these mechanisms, and then, while recognizing certain gaps in what is known about these factors, to attempt to arrive at an answer by dint of careful scholarship.1 An alternative approach is to try to teach a form of human language to an animal. We chose the latter alternative and, in June 1966, began training an infant female chimpanzee, named Washoe, to use the gestural language of the deaf. Within the first 22 months of training it became evident that we had been correct in at least one major aspect of method, the use of a gestural language. Additional aspects of method have evolved in the course of the project. These and some implications of our early results can now be described in a way that may be useful in other studies of communicative behavior. Accordingly, in this article we discuss the considerations which led us to use the chimpanzee as a subject and American Sign Language (the language used by the deaf in North America) as a medium of communication; describe the general methods of training as they were initially conceived and as they developed in the course of the project; and summarize those results that could be reported with some degree of confidence by the end of the first phase of the project.

 

PRELIMINARY CONSIDERATIONS

 

The Chimpanzee as a Subject.

 

Some discussion of the chimpanzee as an experimental subject is in order because this species is relatively uncommon in the psychological laboratory. Whether or not the chimpanzee is the most intelligent animal after man can be disputed; the gorilla, the orangutan, and even the dolphin have their loyal partisans in this debate. Nevertheless, it is generally conceded that chimpanzees are highly intelligent, and that members of this species might be intelligent enough for our purposes. Of equal or greater importance is their sociability and their capacity for forming strong attachments to human beings. We want to emphasize this trait of sociability; it seems highly likely that it is essential for the development of language in human beings, and it was a primary consideration in our choice of a chimpanzee as a subject.

 

Affectionate as chimpanzees are, they are still wild animals, and this is a serious disadvantage. Most psychologists are accustomed to working with animals that have been chosen, and sometimes bred, for docility and adaptability to laboratory procedures. The difficulties presented by the wild nature of an experimental animal must not be underestimated. Chimpanzees are also very strong animals; a full-grown specimen is likely to weigh more than 120 pounds (55 kilograms) and is estimated to be from three to five times as strong as a man, pound-for-pound. Coupled with the wildness, this great strength presents serious difficulties for a procedure that requires interaction at close quarters with a free- living animal. We have always had to reckon with the likelihood that at some point Washoe’s physical maturity will make this procedure prohibitively dangerous.

 

A more serious disadvantage is that human speech sounds are unsuitable as a medium of communication for the chimpanzee. The vocal apparatus of the chimpanzee is very different from that of man.2 More important, the vocal behavior of the chimpanzee is very different from that of man. Chimpanzees do make many different sounds, but generally vocalization occurs in situations of high excitement and tends to be specific to the exciting situations. Undisturbed, chimpanzees are usually silent. Thus, it is unlikely that a chimpanzee could be trained to make refined use of its vocalizations. Moreover, the intensive work of Hayes and Hayes3 with the chimpanzee Viki indicates that a vocal language is not appropriate for this species. The Hayeses used modern, sophisticated, psychological methods and seem to have spared no effort to teach Viki to make speech sounds. Yet in 6 years Viki learned only four sounds that approximated English words.4

 

Use of the hands, however, is a prominent feature of chimpanzee behavior; manipulatory mechanical problems are their forte. More to the point, even caged, laboratory chimpanzees develop begging and similar gestures spontaneously,5 while individuals that have had extensive contact with human beings have displayed an even wider variety of communicative gestures.6 In our choice of sign language we were influenced more by the behavioral evidence that this medium of communication was appropriate to the species than by anatomical evidence of structural similarity between the hands of chimpanzees and of man. The Hayeses point out that human tools and mechanical devices are constructed to fit the human hand, yet chimpanzees have little difficulty in using these devices with great skill. Nevertheless, they seem unable to adapt their vocalizations to approximate human speech.

 

Psychologists who work extensively with the instrumental conditioning of animals become sensitive to the need to use responses that are suited to the species they wish to study. Lever pressing in rats is not an arbitrary response invented by Skinner to confound the mentalists; it is a type of response commonly made by rats when they are first placed in a Skinner box. The exquisite control of instrumental behavior by schedules of reward is achieved only if the original responses are well chosen. We chose a language based on gestures because we reasoned that gestures for the chimpanzee should be analogous to bar-pressing for rats, key-pecking for pigeons, and babbling for humans.

 

American Sign Language.

 

Two systems of manual communication are used by the deaf. One system is the manual alphabet, or finger spelling, in which configurations of the hand correspond to letters of the alphabet. In this system the words of a spoken language, such as English, can be spelled out manually. The other system, sign language, consists of a set of manual configurations and gestures that correspond to particular words or concepts. Unlike finger spelling, which is the direct encoding of a spoken language, sign languages have their own rules of usage. Word-for-sign translation between a spoken language and a sign language yields results that are similar to those of word-for-word translation between two spoken languages: the translation is often passable, though awkward, but it can also be ambiguous or quite nonsensical. Also, there are national and regional variations in sign languages that are comparable to those of spoken languages.

 

We chose for this project the American Sign Language (ASL), which, with certain regional variations, is used by the deaf in North America. This particular sign language has recently been the subject of formal analysis.7 The ASL can be compared to pictograph writing in which some symbols are quite arbitrary and some are quite representational or iconic, but all are arbitrary to some degree. For example, in ASL the sign for “always” is made by holding the hand in a fist, index finger extended (the pointing hand), while rotating the arm at the elbow. This is clearly an arbitrary representation of the concept “always.” The sign for “flower,” however, is highly iconic; it is made by holding the fingers of one hand extended, all five fingertips touching (the tapered hand), and touching the fingertips first to one nostril then to the other, as if sniffing a flower. While this is an iconic sign for “flower,” it is only one of a number of conventions by which the concept “flower” could be iconically represented; it is thus arbitrary to some degree. Undoubtedly, many of the signs of ASL that seem quite arbitrary today once had an iconic origin that was lost through years of stylized usage. Thus, the signs of ASL are neither uniformly arbitrary nor uniformly iconic; rather the degree of abstraction varies from sign to sign over a wide range. This would seem to be a useful property of ASL for our research.

 

The literate deaf typically use a combination of ASL and finger spelling: for purposes of this project we have avoided the use of finger spelling as much as possible. A great range of expression is possible within the limits of ASL. We soon found that a good way to practice signing among ourselves was to render familiar songs and poetry into signs; as far as we can judge, there is no message that cannot be rendered faithfully (apart from the usual problems of translation from one language to another). Technical terms and proper names are a problem when first introduced, but within any community of signers it is easy to agree on a convention for any commonly used term. For example, among ourselves we do not finger-spell the words psychologist and psychology, but render them as “think doctor” and “think science.” Or, among users of ASL, “California” can be fingerspelled but is commonly rendered as “golden playland.” (Incidentally, the sign for “gold” is made by plucking at the earlobe with thumb and forefinger, indicating an earring—another example of an iconic sign that is at the same time arbitrary and stylized.)

 

The fact that ASL is in current use by human beings is an additional advantage. The early linguistic environment of the deaf children of deaf parents is in some respects similar to the linguistic environment that we could provide for an experimental subject. This should permit some comparative evaluation of Washoe’s eventual level of competence. For example, in discussing Washoe’s early performance with deaf parents we have been told that many of her variants of standard signs are similar to the baby-talk variants commonly observed when human children sign.

 

Washoe.

 

Having decided on a species and a medium of communication, our next concern was to obtain an experimental subject. It is altogether possible that there is some critical early age for the acquisition of this type of behavior. On the other hand, newborn chimpanzees tend to be quite helpless and vegetative. They are also considerably less hardy than older infants. Nevertheless, we reasoned that the dangers of starting too late were much greater than the dangers of starting too early, and we sought the youngest infant we could get. Newborn laboratory chimpanzees are very scarce, and we found that the youngest laboratory infant we could get would be about 2 years old at the time we planned to start the project. It seemed preferable to obtain a wild-caught infant. Wild-caught infants are usually at least 8 to 10 months old before they are available for research. This is because infants rarely reach the United States before they are 5 months old, and to this age must be added 1 or 2 months before final purchase and 2 or 3 months for quarantine and other medical services.

 

We named our chimpanzee Washoe for Washoe County, the home of the University of Nevada. Her exact age will never be known, but from her weight and dentition we estimated her age to be between 8 and 14 months at the end of June 1966, when she first arrived at our laboratory. (Her dentition has continued to agree with this initial estimate, but her weight has increased rather more than would be expected.) This is very young for a chimpanzee. The best available information indicates that infants are completely dependent until the age of 2 years and semi- dependent until the age of 4; the first signs of sexual maturity (for example, menstruation, sexual swelling) begin to appear at about 8 years, and full adult growth is reached between the ages of 12 and 16.8 As for the complete life-span, captive specimens have survived for well over 40 years. Washoe was indeed very young when she arrived; she did not have her first canines or molars, her hand-eye coordination was rudimentary, she had only begun to crawl about, and she slept a great deal. Apart from making friends with her and adapting her to the daily routine, we could accomplish little during the first few months.

 

Laboratory Conditions.

 

At the outset we were quite sure that Washoe could learn to make various signs in order to obtain food, drink, and other things. For the project to be a success, we felt that something more must be developed. We wanted Washoe not only to ask for objects but to answer questions about them and also to ask us questions. We wanted to develop behavior that could be describedas conversation. With this in mind, we attempted to provide Washoe with an environment that might be conducive to this sort of behavior. Confinement was to be minimal, about the same as that of human infants. Her human companions were to be friends and playmates as well as providers and protectors, and they were to introduce a great many games and activities that would be likely to result in maximum interaction with Washoe.

 

In practice, such an environment is readily achieved with a chimpanzee; bonds of warm affection have always been established between Washoe and her several human companions. We have enjoyed the interaction almost as much as Washoe has, within the limits of human endurance. A number of human companions have been enlisted to participate in the project and relieve each other at intervals, so that at least one person would be with Washoe during all her waking hours. At first we feared that such frequent changes would be disturbing, but Washoe seemed to adapt very well to this procedure. Apparently it is possible to provide an infant chimpanzee with affection on a shift basis.

 

All of Washoe’s human companions have been required to master ASL and to use it extensively in her presence, in association with interesting activities and events and also in a general way, as one chatters at a human infant in the course of the day. The ASL has been used almost exclusively, although occasional finger spelling has been permitted. From time to time, of course, there are lapses into spoken English, as when medical personnel must examine Washoe. At one time, we considered an alternative procedure in which we would sign and speak English to Washoe simultaneously, thus giving her an additional source of informative cues. We rejected this procedure, reasoning that, if she should come to understand speech sooner or more easily than ASL, then she might not pay sufficient attention to our gestures. Another alternative, that of speaking English among ourselves and signing to Washoe, was also rejected. We reasoned that this would make it seem that big chimps talk and only little chimps sign, which might give signing an undesirable social status.

 

The environment we are describing is not a silent one. The human beings can vocalize in many ways, laughing and making sounds of pleasure and displeasure. Whistles and drums are sounded in a variety of imitation games, and hands are clapped for attention. The rule is that all meaningful sounds, whether vocalized or not, must be sounds that a chimpanzee can imitate.

 

TRAINING METHODS

 

Imitation.

 

The imitativeness of apes is proverbial, and rightly so. Those who have worked closely with chimpanzees have frequently remarked on their readiness to engage in visually guided imitation. Consider the following typical comment of Yerkes:9 “Chim and Panzee would imitate many of my acts, but never have I heard them imitate a sound and rarely make a sound peculiarly their own in response to mine. As previously stated, their imitative tendency is as remarkable for its specialization and limitations as for its strength. It seems to be controlled chiefly by visual stimuli. Things which are seen tend to be imitated or reproduced. What is heard is not reproduced. Obviously an animal which lacks the tendency to reinstate auditory stimuli—in other words to imitate sounds—cannot reasonably be expected to talk. The human infant exhibits this tendency to a remarkable degree. So also does the parrot. If the imitative tendency of the parrot could be coupled with the quality of intelligence of the chimpanzee, the latter undoubtedly could speak.”

 

In the course of their work with Viki, the Hayeses devised a game in which Viki would imitate various actions on hearing the command “Do this.”10 Once established, this was an effective means of training Viki to perform actions that could be visually guided. The same method should be admirably suited to training a chimpanzee to use sign language; accordingly we have directed much effort toward establishing a version of the “Do this” game with Washoe. Getting Washoe to imitate us was not difficult, for she did so quite spontaneously, but getting her to imitate on command has been another matter altogether. It was not until the 16th month of the project that we achieved any degree of control over Washoe’s imitation of gestures. Eventually we got to a point where she would imitate a simple gesture, such as pulling at her ears, or a series of such gestures—first we make a gesture, then she imitates, then we make a second gesture, she imitates the second gesture, and so on—for the reward of being tick-led. Up to this writing, however, imitation of this sort has not been an important method for introducing new signs into Washoe’s vocabulary.

 

As a method of prompting, we have been able to use imitation extensively to increase the frequency and refine the form of signs. Washoe sometimes fails to use a new sign in an appropriate situation, or uses another, incorrect sign. At such times we can make the correct sign to Washoe, repeating the performance until she makes the sign herself. (With more stable signs, more indirect forms of prompting can be used—for example, pointing at, or touching, Washoe’s hand or a part of her body that should be involved in the sign; making the sign for “sign,” which is equivalent to saying “Speak up”; or asking a question in signs, such as “What do you want?” or “What is it?”). Again, with new signs, and often with old signs as well, Washoe can lapse into what we refer to as poor “diction.” Of course, a great deal of slurring and a wide range of variants are permitted in ASL as in any spoken language. In any event, Washoe’s diction has frequently been improved by the simple device of repeating, in exaggeratedly correct form, the sign she has just made, until she repeats it herself in more correct form. On the whole, she has responded quite well to prompting, but there are strict limits to its use with a wild animal—one that is probably quite spoiled, besides. Pressed too hard, Washoe can become completely diverted from her original object; she may ask for something entirely different, run away, go into a tantrum, or even bite her tutor.

 

Chimpanzees also imitate, after some delay, and this delayed imitation can be quite elaborate. The following is a typical example of Washoe’s delayed imitation. From the beginning of the project she was bathed regularly and according to a standard routine. Also, from her 2nd month with us, she always had dolls to play with. One day, during the 10th month of the project, she bathed one of her dolls in the way we usually bathed her. She filled her little bathtub with water, dunked the doll in the tub, then took it out and dried it with a towel. She has repeated the entire performance, or parts of it, many times since, sometimes also soaping the doll.

 

This is a type of imitation that may be very important in the acquisition of language by human children, and many of ourprocedures with Washoe were revised to capitalize on it. Routine activities—feeding, dressing, bathing, and so on—have been highly ritualized, with appropriate signs figuring prominently in the rituals. Many games have been invented which can be accompanied by appropriate signs. Objects and activities have been named as often as possible, especially when Washoe seemed to be paying particular attention to them. New objects and new examples of familiar objects, including pictures, have been continually brought to her attention, together with the appropriate signs. She likes to ride in automobiles, and a ride in an automobile, including the preparations for a ride, provides a wealth of sights that can be accompanied by signs. A good destination for a ride is a home or the university nursery school, both well stocked with props for language lessons.

 

The general principle should be clear: Washoe has been exposed to a wide variety of activities and objects, together with their appropriate signs, in the hope that she would come to associate the signs with their referents and later make the signs herself. We have reason to believe that she has come to understand a large vocabulary of signs. This was expected, since a number of chimpanzees have acquired extensive understanding vocabularies of spoken words, and there is evidence that even dogs can acquire a sizable understanding vocabulary of spoken words.” The understanding vocabulary that Washoe has acquired, however, consists of signs that a chimpanzee can imitate.

 

Some of Washoe’s signs seem to have been originally acquired by delayed imitation. A good example is the sign for “toothbrush.” A part of the daily routine has been to brush her teeth after every meal. When this routine was first introduced Washoe generally resisted it. She gradually came to submit with less and less fuss, and after many months she would even help or sometimes brush her teeth herself. Usually, having finished her meal, Washoe would try to leave her highchair; we would restrain her, signing “First, toothbrushing, then you can go.” One day, in the 10th month of the project, Washoe was visiting the Gardner home and found her way into the bathroom. She climbed up on the counter, looked at our mug full of toothbrushes, and signed “toothbrush.” At the time, we believed that Washoe understood this sign but we had not seen her use it. She had noreason to ask for the toothbrushes, because they were well within her reach, and it is most unlikely that she was asking to have her teeth brushed. This was our first observation, and one of the clearest examples, of behavior in which Washoe seemed to name an object or an event for no obvious motive other than communication.

 

Following this observation, the toothbrushing routine at mealtime was altered. First, imitative prompting was introduced. Then as the sign became more reliable, her rinsing-mug and toothbrush were displayed prominently until she made the sign. By the 14th month she was making the “toothbrush” sign at the end of meals with little or no prompting; in fact she has called for her toothbrush in a peremptory fashion when its appearance at the end of a meal was delayed. The “toothbrush” sign is not merely a response cued by the end of a meal; Washoe retained her ability to name toothbrushes when they were shown to her at other times.

 

The sign for “flower” may also have been acquired by delayed imitation. From her first summer with us, Washoe showed a great interest in flowers, and we took advantange of this by providing many flowers and pictures of flowers accompanied by the appropriate sign. Then one day in the 15th month she made the sign, spontaneously, while she and a companion were walking toward a flower garden. As in the case of “toothbrush,” we believed that she understood the sign at this time, but we had made no attempt to elicit it from her except by making it ourselves in appropriate situations. Again, after the first observation, we proceeded to elicit this sign as often as possible by a variety of methods, most frequently by showing her a flower and giving it to her if she made the sign for it. Eventually the sign became very reliable and could be elicited by a variety of flowers and pictures of flowers.

 

It is difficult to decide which signs were acquired by the method of delayed imitation. The first appearance of these signs is likely to be sudden and unexpected; it is possible that some inadvertent movement of Washoe’s has been interpreted as meaningful by one of her devoted companions. If the first observer were kept from reporting the observation and from making any direct attempts to elicit the sign again, then it might be possible to obtain independent verification. Quite understandably, we have been more interested in raising the frequency of new signs than in evaluating any particular method of training.

 

Babbling.

 

Because the Hayeses were attempting to teach Viki to speak English, they were interested in babbling, and during the first year of their project they were encouraged by the number and variety of spontaneous vocalizations that Viki made. But, in time, Viki’s spontaneous vocalizations decreased further and further to the point where the Hayeses felt that there was almost no vocal babbling from which to shape spoken language. In planning this project we expected a great deal of manual “babbling,” but during the early months we observed very little behavior of this kind. In the course of the project, however, there has been a great increase in manual babbling. We have been particularly encouraged by the increase in movements that involve touching parts of the head and body, since these are important components of many signs. Also, more and more frequently, when Washoe has been unable to get something that she wants, she has burst into a flurry of random flourishes and arm-waving.

 

We have encouraged Washoe’s babbling by our responsiveness; clapping, smiling, and repeating the gesture much as you might repeat “goo goo” to a human infant. If the babbled gesture has resembled a sign in ASL, we have made the correct form of the sign and have attempted to engage in some appropriate activity. The sign for “funny” was probably acquired in this way. It first appeared as a spontaneous babble that lent itself readily to a simple imitation game—first Washoe signed “funny,” then we did, then she did, and so on. We would laugh and smile during the interchanges that she initiated, and initiate the game ourselves when something funny happened. Eventually Washoe came to use the “funny” sign spontaneously in roughly appropriate Situations.

 

 

Closely related to babbling are some gestures that seem to have appeared independently of any deliberate training on our part, and that resemble signs so closely that we could incorporate them into Washoe’s repertoire with little or no modification. Almost from the first she had a begging gesture—an extension of her open hand, palm up, toward one of us. She made this gesture in situations in which she wanted aid and in situations in which we were holding some object that she wanted. The ASL signs for “give me” and “come” are very similar to this, except that they involve a prominent beckoning movement. Gradually Washoe came to incorporate a beckoning wrist movement into her use of this sign. In Table 1 we refer to this sign as “comegimme.” As Washoe has come to use it, the sign is not simply a modification of the original begging gesture. For example, very commonly she reaches forward with one hand (palm up) while she gestures with the other hand (palm down) held near her head. (The result resembles a classic fencing posture.)

 

 

Another sign of this type is the sign for “hurry,” which, so far, Washoe has always made by shaking her open hand vigorously at the wrist. This first appeared as an impatient flourish following some request that she had made in signs; for example, after making the “open” sign before a door. The correct ASL for “hurry” is very close, and we began to use it often, ourselves, in appropriate contexts. We believe that Washoe has come to use this sign in a meaningful way, because she has frequently used it when she, herself, is in a hurry—for example, when rushing to her nursery chair.

 

Instrumental Conditioning.

 

It seems intuitively unreasonable that the acquisition of language by human beings could be strictly a matter of reiterated instrumental conditioning—that a child acquires language after the fashion of a rat that is conditioned, first, to press a lever for food in the presence of one stimulus, then to turn a wheel in the presence of another stimulus, and so on until a large repertoire of discriminated responses is acquired. Nevertheless, the so-called “trick vocabulary” of early childhood is probably acquired in this way, and this may be a critical stage in the acquisition of language by children. In any case, a minimal objective of this project Was to teach Washoe as many signs as possible by whatever procedures we could enlist. Thus, we have not hesitated to use conventional procedures of instrumental conditioning.

 

Anyone who becomes familiar with young chimpanzees soon learns about their passion for being tickled. There is no doubt that tickling is the most effective reward that we have used with Washoe. In the early months, when we would pause in our tickling, Washoe would indicate that she wanted more tickling by taking our hands and placing them against her ribs or around her neck. The meaning of these gestures was unmistakable, but since we were not studying our human ability to interpret her chimpanzee gestures, we decided to shape an arbitrary response that she could use to ask for more tickling. We noted that, when being tickled, she tended to bring her arms together to cover the place being tickled. The result was a very crude approximation of the ASL sign for “more” (see Table 1). Thus, we would stop tickling and then pull Washoe’s arms away from her body. When we released her arms and threatened to resume tickling, she tended to bring her hands together again. If she brought them back together, we would tickle her again. From time to time we would stop tickling and wait for her to put her hands together by herself. At first, any approximation to the “more” sign, however crude, was rewarded. Later, we required closer approximations and introduced imitative prompting. Soon, a very good version of the “more” sign could be obtained, but it was quite specific to the tickling situation.

 

In the 6th month of the project we were able to get “more” signs for a new game that consisted of pushing Washoe across the floor in a laundry basket. In this case we did not use the shaping procedure but, from the start, used imitative prompting to elicit the “more” sign. Soon after the “more” sign became spontaneous and reliable in the laundry-basket game, it began to appear as a request for more swinging (by the arms)—again, after first being elicited with imitative prompting. From this point on, Washoe transferred the “more” sign to all activities, including feeding. The transfer was usually spontaneous, occurring when there was some pause in a desired activity or when some object was removed. Often we ourselves were not sure that Washoe wanted “more” until she signed to us.

 

The sign for “open” had a similar history. When Washoe wanted to get through a door, she tended to hold up both hands and pound on the door with her palms or her knuckles. This is the beginning position for the “open” sign (see Table 1). By waiting for her to place her hands on the door and then lift them, and also by imitative prompting, we were able to shape a good approximation of the “open” sign, and would reward this by opening the door. Originally she was trained to make this sign for three particular doors that she used every day. Washoe transferred this sign to all doors; then to containers such as the refrigerator, cupboards, drawers, briefcases, boxes, and jars; and eventually—an invention of Washoe’s—she used it to ask us to turn on water faucets.

 

In the case of “more” and “open” we followed the conventional laboratory procedure of waiting for Washoe to make some response that could be shaped into the sign we wished her to acquire. We soon found that this was not necessary; Washoe could acquire signs that were first elicited by our holding her hands, forming them into the desired configuration, and then putting them through the desired movement. Since this procedure of guidance is usually much more practical than waiting for a spontaneous approximation to occur at a favorable moment, we have used it much more frequently.

 

RESULTS

 

Vocabulary.

 

In the early stages of the project we were able to keep fairly complete records of Washoe’s daily signing behavior. But, as the amount of signing behavior and the number of Signs to be monitored increased, our initial attempts to obtain exhaustive records became prohibitively cumbersome. During the 16th month we settled on the following procedure. When a new sign was introduced we waited until it had been reported by three different observers as having occurred in an appropriate context and spontaneously (that is, with no prompting other than a question such as “What is it?” or “What do you want?”). The sign was then added to a checklist in which its occurrence, form, context, and the kind of prompting required were recorded. Two such checklists were filled out each day, one for the first half of the day and one for the second half. For a criterion of acquisition we chose a reported frequency of at least one appropriate and spontaneous occurrence each day over a period of 15 consecutive days.

 

In Table 1 we have listed 30 signs that met this criterion by the end of the 22nd month of the project. In addition, we have listed four signs (“dog,” “smell,” “me,” and “clean”) that we judged to be stable, despite the fact that they had not met the stringent criterion before the end of the 22nd month. These additional signs had, nevertheless, been reported to occur appropriately and spontaneously on more than half of the days in a period of 30 consecutive days. An indication of the variety of signs that Washoe used in the course of a day is given by the following data during the 22nd month of the study, 28 of the 34 signs listed were reported on at least 20 days, and the smallest number of different signs reported for a single day was 23, with a median of 29.12

 

The order in which these signs first appeared in Washoe’s repertoire is also given in Table 1. We considered the first appearance to be the date on which three different observers reported appropriate and spontaneous occurrences. By this criterion, 4 new signs first appeared during the first 7 months, 9 new signs during the next 7 months, and 21 new signs during the next 7 months. We chose the 21st month rather than the 22nd month as the cutoff for this tabulation so that no signs would be included that do not appear in Table 1. Clearly, if Washoe’s rate of acquisition continues to accelerate, we will have to assess her vocabulary on the basis of sampling procedures. We are now in the process of developing procedures that could be used to make periodic tests of Washoe’s performance on samples of her repertoire. However, now that there is evidence that a chimpanzee can acquire a vocabulary of more than 30 signs, the exact number of signs in her current vocabulary is less significant than the order of magnitude—50, 100, 200 signs, or more—that might eventually be achieved.

 

Differentiation.

 

In Table 1, column 1, we list English equivalents for each of Washoe’s signs. It must be understood that this equivalence is only approximate, because equivalence between English and ASL, as between any two human languages, is only approximate, and because Washoe’s usage does differ from that of standard ASL. To some extent her usage is indicated in the column labeled “Context” in Table 1, but the definition of any given sign must always depend upon her total vocabulary, and this has been continually changing. When she had very few signs for specific things, Washoe used the “more” sign for a wide class of requests. Our only restriction was that we discouraged the use of “more” for first requests. As she acquired signs for specific requests, her use of “more” declined until, at the time of this writing, she was using this sign mainly to ask for repetition of some action that she could not name, such as a somersault. Perhaps the best English equivalent would be “do it again.” Still, it seemed preferable to list the English equivalent for the ASL sign rather than its current referent for Washoe, since further refinements in her usage may be achieved at a later date.

 

The differentiation of the signs for “flower” and “smell” provides a further illustration of usage depending upon size of vocabulary. As the “flower” sign became more frequent, we noted that it occurred in several inappropriate contexts that all seemed to include odors; for example, Washoe would make the “flower” sign when opening a tobacco pouch or when entering a kitchen filled with cooking odors. Taking our cue from this, we introduced the “smell” sign by passive shaping and imitative prompting. Gradually Washoe came to make the appropriate distinction between “flower” contexts and “smell” contexts in her signing, although “flower” (in the single-nostril form) (see Table 1) has continued to occur as a common error in “smell” contexts.

 

Transfer

 

In general, when introducing new signs we have used a very specific referent for the initial training—a particular door for “open,” a particular hat for “hat.” Early in the project we were concerned about the possibility that signs might become inseparable from their first referents. So far, however, there has been no problem of this kind: Washoe has always been able to transfer her signs spontaneously to new members of each class of referents. We have already described the transfer of “more” and “open.” The sign for “flower” is a particularly good example of transfer, because flowers occur in so many varieties, indoors, outdoors, and in pictures, yet Washoe uses the same sign for all. It is fortunate that she has responded well to pictures of objects. In the case of “dog” and “cat” this has proved to be important because live dogs and cats can be too exciting, and we have had to use pictures to elicit most of the “dog” and “cat” signs. It is noteworthy that Washoe has transferred the “dog” sign to the sound of barking by an unseen dog.

 

The acquisition and transfer of the sign for “key” illustrates a further point. A great many cupboards and doors in Washoe’s quarters have been kept secure by small padlocks that can all be opened by the same simple key. Because she was immature and awkward, Washoe had great difficulty in learning to use these keys and locks. Because we wanted her to improve her manual dexterity, we let her practice with these keys until she could open the locks quite easily (then we had to hide the keys). Washoe soon transferred this skill to all manner of locks and keys, including ignition keys. At about the same time, we taught her the sign for “key,” using the original padlock keys as a referent. Washoe came to use this sign both to name keys that were presented to her and to ask for the keys to various locks when no key was in sight. She readily transferred the sign to all varieties of keys and locks.

 

Now, if an animal can transfer a skill learned with a certain key and lock to new types of key and lock, it should not be surprising that the same animal can learn to use an arbitrary response to name and ask for a certain key and then transfer that sign to new types of keys. Certainly, the relationship between the use of a key and the opening of locks is as arbitrary as the relationship between the sign for “key” and its many referents. Viewed in this way, the general phenomenon of transfer of training and the specifically linguistic phenomenon of labeling become very similar, and the problems that these phenomena pose for modern learning theory should require similar solutions. We do not mean to imply that the problem of labeling is less complex than has generally been supposed; rather, we are suggesting that the problem of transfer of training requires an equally sophisticated treatment.

 

Combinations

 

During the phase of the project covered by this article we made no deliberate attempts to elicit combinations or phrases, although we may have responded more readily to strings of two or more signs than to single signs. As far as we can judge, Washoe’s early use of signs in strings was spontaneous. Almost as soon as she had eight or ten signs in her repertoire, she began to use them two and three at a time. As her repertoire increased, her tendency to produce strings of two or more signs also increased, to the point where this has become a common mode of signing for her. We, of course, usually signed to her in combinations, but if Washoe’s use of combinations has been imitative, then it must be a generalized sort of imitation, since she has invented a number of combinations, such as “gimme tickle” (before we had ever asked her to tickle us), and “open food drink” (for the refrigerator—we have always called it the “cold box”).

 

Four signs—”please,” “come-gimme,” “hurry,” and “more”— used with one or more other signs, account for the largest share of Washoe’s early combinations. In general, these four signs have functioned as emphasizers, as in “please open hurry” and “gimme drink please.”

 

Until recently, five additional signs—”go,” “out,” “in,” “open,” and “hear-listen”—accounted for most of the remaining combinations. Typical examples of combinations using these four are, “go in” or “go out” (when at some distance from a door), “go sweet” (for being carried to a raspberry bush), “open flower” (to be let through the gate to a flower garden), “open key” (for a locked door), “listen eat” (at the sound of an alarm clock signaling mealtime), and “listen dog” (at the sound of barking by an unseen dog). All but the first and last of these six examples were inventions of Washoe’s. Combinations of this type tend to amplify the meaning of the single signs used. Sometimes, however, the function of these five signs has been about the same as that of the emphasizers, as in “open out” (when standing in front of a door).

 

Toward the end of the period covered in this article we were able to introduce the pronouns “I-me” and “you,” so that combinations that resemble short sentences have begun to appear.

 

CONCLUDING OBSERVATIONS

 

From time to time we have been asked questions such as, “Do you think that Washoe has language?” or “At what point will you be able to say that Washoe has language?” We find it very difficult to respond to these questions because they are altogether foreign to the spirit of our research. They imply a distinction between one class of communicative behavior that can be called language and another class that cannot. This in turn implies a well-established theory that could provide the distinction. If our objectives had required such a theory, we would certainly not have been able to begin this project as early as we did.

 

In the first phase of the project we were able to verify the hypothesis that sign language is an appropriate medium of two- way communication for the chimpanzee. Washoe’s intellectual immaturity, the continuing acceleration of her progress, the fact that her signs do not remain specific to their original referents but are transferred spontaneously to new referents, and the emergence of rudimentary combinations all suggest that significantly more can be accomplished by Washoe during the subsequent phases of this project. As we proceed, the problems of these subsequent phases will be chiefly concerned with the technical business of measurement. We are now developing a procedure for testing Washoe’s ability to name objects. In this procedure, an object or a picture of an object is placed in a box with a window. An observer, who does not know what is in the box, asks Washoe what she sees through the window. At present, this method is limited to items that fit in the box; a more ingenious method will have to be devised for other items. In particular, the ability to combine and recombine signs must be tested. Here, a great deal depends upon reaching a stage at which Washoe produces an extended series of signs in answer to questions. Our hope is that Washoe can be brought to the point where she describes events and situations to an observer who has no other source of information.

 

At an earlier time we would have been more cautious about suggesting that a chimpanzee might be able to produce extended utterances to communicate information. We believe now that it is the writers—who would predict just what it is that no chimpanzee will ever do—who must proceed with caution. Washoe’s  accomplishments will probably be exceeded by another chimpanzee, because it is unlikely that the conditions of training have been optimal in this first attempt. Theories of language that depend upon the identification of aspects of language that are exclusively human must remain tentative until a considerably larger body of intensive research with other species becomes available.

 

SUMMARY

 

We set ourselves the task of teaching an animal to use a form of human language. Highly intelligent and highly social, the chimpanzee is an obvious choice for such a study, yet it has not been possible to teach a member of this species more than a few spoken words. We reasoned that a spoken language, such as English, might be an inappropriate medium of communication for a chimpanzee. This led us to choose American Sign Language, the gestural system of communication used by the deaf in North America, for the project.

 

The youngest infant that we could obtain was a wild-born female, whom we named Washoe, and who was estimated to be between 8 and 14 months old when we began our program of training. The laboratory conditions, while not patterned after those of a human family (as in the studies of Kellogg and Kellogg and of Hayes and Hayes), involved a minimum of confinement and a maximum of social interaction with human companions. For all practical purposes, the only verbal communication was in ASL, and the chimpanzee was maximally exposed to the use of this language by human beings.

 

It was necessary to develop a rough-and-ready mixture of training methods. There was evidence that some of Washoe’s early signs were acquired by delayed imitation of the signing behavior of her human companions, but very few if any, of her early signs were introduced by immediate imitation. Manual babbling was directly fostered and did increase in the course of the project. A number of signs were introduced by shaping and instrumental conditioning. A particularly effective and convenient method of shaping consisted of holding Washoe’s hands, forming them into a configuration, and putting them through the movements of a sign.

 

We have listed more than 30 signs that Washoe acquired and could use spontaneously and appropriately by the end of the 22nd month of the project. The signs acquired earliest were simple demands. Most of the later signs have been names for objects, which Washoe has used both as demands and as answers to questions. Washoe readily used noun signs to name pictures of objects as well as actual objects and has frequently called the attention of her companions to pictures and objects by naming them. Once acquired, the signs have not remained specific to the original referents but have been transferred spontaneously to a wide class of appropriate referents. At this writing, Washoe’s rate of acquisition of new signs is still accelerating.

 

From the time she had eight or ten signs in her repertoire, Washoe began to use them in strings of two or more. During the period covered by this article we made no deliberate effort to elicit combinations other than by our own habitual use of strings of signs. Some of the combined forms that Washoe has used may have been imitative, but many have been inventions of her own. Only a small proportion of the possible combinations have, in fact, been observed. This is because most of Washoe’s combinations include one of a limited group of signs that act as combiners. Among the signs that Washoe has recently acquired are the pronouns “I-me” and “you.” When these occur in combinations the result resembles a short sentence. In terms of the eventual level of communication that a chimpanzee might be able to attain, the most promising results have been spontaneous naming, spontaneous transfer to new referents, and spontaneous combinations and recombinations of signs.

 

 


On the Generality

of the Laws of Learning’

 

MARTIN E. P. SELIGMAN, Cornell University

 

 

That all events are equally associable and obey common laws is a central assumption of general process learning theory. A continuum of preparedness is defined which holds that organisms are prepared to associate certain events, unprepared for some, and contraprepared for others. A review of data from the traditional learning paradigms shows that the assumption of equivalent associability is false: in classical conditioning, rats are prepared to associate tastes with illness even over very long delays of reinforcement, but are contraprepared to associate tastes with footshock. In instrumental training, pigeons acquire key pecking in the absence of a contingency between pecking and grain (prepared), while cats, on the other hand, have trouble learning to lick themselves to escape, and dogs do not yawn for food (contraprepared). In discrimination, dogs are contraprepared to learn that different locations of discriminative stimuli control go—no go responding, and to learn that different qualities control directional responding. In avoidance, responses from the natural defensive repertoire are prepared for avoiding shock, while those from the appetitive repertoire are contraprepared. Language acquisition and the functional autonomy of motives are also viewed using the preparedness continuum. Finally, it is speculated that the laws of learning themselves may vary with the preparedness of the organism for the association and that different physiological and cognitive mechanisms may covary with the dimension.

 

Sometimes we forget why psychologists ever trained white rats to press bars for little pellets of flour or sounded metronomes followed by meat powder for domestic dogs. After all, when in the real world do rats encounter levers which they learn to press in order to eat, and when do our pet dogs ever come across metronomes whose clicking signals meat powder? It may be useful now to remind ourselves about a basic premise which gave rise to such bizarre endeavors, and to see if we still have reason to believe this premise.

 

THE GENERAL PROCESS

VIEW OF LEARNING

 

It was hoped that in the simple, controlled world of levers and mechanical feeders, of metronomes and salivation, something quite general would emerge. If we took such an arbitrary behavior as pressing a lever and such an arbitrary organism as an albino rat, and set it to work pressing the lever for food, then by virtue of the very arbitrariness of the environment, we would find features of the rat’s behavior general to real-life instrumental learning. Similarly, if we took a dog, undistracted by extraneous noises and sights, and paired a metronome’s clicking with meat, what we found about the salivation of the dog might reveal characteristics of associations in general. For instance, when Pavlov found that salivation stopped occurring to a clicking that used to signal meat powder, but no longer did, he hoped that this was an instance of a law, “experimental extinction,” which would have application beyond clicking metronomes, meat powder, and salivation. What captured the interest of the psychological world was the possibility that such laws might describe the general characteristics of the behavior acquired as the result of pairing one event with another. When Thorndike found that cats learned only gradually to pull strings to escape from puzzle boxes, the intriguing hypothesis was that animal learning in general was by trial and error. In both of these situations, the very arbitrariness and unnaturalness of the experiment was assumed to guarantee generality, since the situation would be uncontaminated by past experience the organism might have had or by special biological propensities he might bring to it.

 

The basic premise can be stated specifically: In classical conditioning, the choice of CS, US, and response is a matter of relative indifference; that is, any CS and US can be associated with approximately equal facility, and a set of general laws exist which describe the acquisition, extinction, inhibition, delay of reinforcement, spontaneous recovery, etc., for all CSs and USs. In instrumental learning, the choice of response and reinforcer is a matter of relative indifference; that is, any emitted response and any reinforcer can be associated with approximately equal facility, and a set of general laws exist which describe acquisition, extinction, discriminative control, generalization, etc., for all responses and reinforcers. I call this premise the assumption of equivalence of associability, and I suggest that it lies at the heart of general process learning theory.

 

This is not a straw man. Here are some quotes from three major learning theorists to document this assumption:

It is obvious that the reflex activity of any effector organ can be chosen for the purpose of investigation, since signalling stimuli can get linked up with any of the inborn reflexes [Pavlov, 1927, p. 17].
Any natural phenomenon chosen at will may be converted into a conditional stimulus . . . any visual stimulus, any desired sound, any odor, and the stimulation of any part of the skin [Pavlov, 1928, p. 86].
All stimulus elements are equally likely to be sampled and the probability of a response at any time is equal to the proportion of elements in S’ that are connected to it. - - On any acquisition trial all stimulus elements sampled by the organism become connected to the response reinforced on that trial [Estes, 1959, p. 399].

The general topography of operant behavior is not important, because most if not all specific operants are conditioned. I suggest that the dynamic properties of operant behavior may be studied with a single reflex [Skinner, 1938, pp. 45—46].

 

A REEXAMINATION OF

EQUIVALENCE OF ASSOCIABILITY

 

The premise of equivalence places a special premium on the investigations of arbitrarily related, as opposed to naturally occurring, events. Such events, since they are supposedly uncontaminated by past experience or by special propensities the organism brings to the situation, provide paradigms for the investigations of general laws of learning. More than 60 years of research in both the instrumental and classical conditioning traditions have yielded considerable data suggesting that similar laws hold over a wide range of arbitrarily chosen events; the shape of generalization gradients is pretty much the same for galvanic skin responses classically conditioned to tones when shock is the US (Hovland, 1937), and for salivating to being touched at different points on the back when food is the US (Pavlov, 1927). Partial reinforcement causes greater resistance to extinction than continuous reinforcement regardless of whether rats are bar pressing for water or running down alleyways for food. Examples of analogous generality of laws could be multiplied at great length.

 

Inherent in the emphasis on arbitrary events, however, is a danger: that the laws so found will not be general, but peculiar to arbitrary events.

 

THE DIMENSION OF PREPAREDNESS

 

It is a truism that an organism brings to any experiment certain equipment and predispositions more or less appropriate to that situation. It brings specialized sensory and receptor apparatus with a long evolutionary history which has modified it into its present appropriateness or inappropriateness for the experiment. In addition to sensory-motor capacity, the organism brings associative apparatus, which likewise has a long and specialized evolutionary History. For example, when an organism is placed in a classical conditioning experiment, not only may the CS be more or less perceptible and the US more or less evocative of a response, but also the CS and US may be more or less associable. The organism may be more or less prepared by the evolution of its species to associate a given CS and US or a given response with an outcome. If evolution has affected the associability of specific events, then it is possible, even likely, that the very laws of learning might vary with the preparedness of the organism from one class of situations to another. If this is so, investigators influenced by the general process view may have discovered only a subset of the laws of learning; the laws of learning about arbitrarily concatenated events, those associations which happen in fact to be equivalent.

 

We can define a continuum of preparedness operationally. Confront an organism with a CS paired with US or with a response which produces an outcome. Depending on the specifics, the organism can be either prepared, unprepared, or contraprepared for learning about the events.

 

The relative preparedness of an organism for learning about a situation is defined by the amount of input (e.g., numbers of trials, pairings, bits of information, etc.) which must occur before that output (responses, acts, repertoire, etc.), which is construed as evidence of acquisition, reliably occurs. It does not matter how input or output are specified, as long as that specification can be used consistently for all points on the continuum. Thus, using the preparedness dimension is independent of whether one happens to be an S-R theorist, a cognitive theorist, an information processing theorist, an ethologist, or what have you. Let me illustrate how one can place an experimental situation at various points on the continuum for classical conditioning. If the organism makes the indi- cant response consistently from the very first presentation of the CS on, such “learning” represents a clear case of instinctive responding, the extreme of the prepared end of the dimension. If the organism makes the response consistently after only a few pairings, it is somewhat prepared. If the response emerges only after many pairings (extensive input), the organism is unprepared. If acquisition occurs only after very many pairings or does not occur at all, the organism is said to be contraprepared. The number of pairings is the measure that makes the dimension a continuum, and implicit in this dimension is the notion that “learning” and “instinct” are continuous. Typically ethologists have examined situations in the prepared side of the dimension, while general process learning theorists have largely restricted themselves to the unprepared region. The contraprepared part of the dimension has been largely uninvestigated, or at least unpublished.

 

The dimension of preparedness should not be confused with the notion of operant level. The frequency with which a response is made in a given situation is not necessarily related to the associability of that response with a given outcome. As will be seen later, frequent responses may not be acquired when they are reinforced as readily as infrequent responses. Indeed, some theorists (e.g., Turner & Solomon, 1962) have argued that high- probability, fast-latency responding may actually antagonize operant reinforceability.

 

The first empirical question with which this paper is concerned is whether sufficient evidence exists to challenge the equivalence of associability. For many years, ethologists and others (for an excellent example, see Breland & Breland, 1966) have gathered a wealth of evidence to challenge the general process view of learning. Curiously, however, these data have had little impact on the general process camp, and while not totally ignored, they have not been theoretically incorporated. In view of differences in methodology, this is perhaps understandable. I do not expect that presenting these lines of evidence here would have any more effect than it has already had. More persuasive to the general process theorist should be the findings which have sprung up within his own tradition. Within traditional conditioning and training paradigms, a considerable body of evidence now exists which challenges the premise. In reviewing this evidence, we shall find the dimension of preparedness to be a useful integrative device. It is not the intent of this article to review exhaustively the growing number of studies which challenge the premise. Rather, we shall look within each of the major paradigms which general process learning theorists have used and discuss one or two clear examples. The theme of these examples is that all events are not equivalent in their associability; that although the organism may have the necessary receptor and effector apparatus to deal with events, there is much variation in its ability to learn about relations between events.

 

Classical Conditioning.

 

The investigation of classical aversive conditioning has been largely confined to the unconditioned response of pain caused by the stimulus of electric shock (cf. Campbell & Church, 1969), and the “laws” of classical conditioning are based largely on these findings along with those from salivary conditioning. Recently, Garcia and his collaborators (Garcia, Ervin & Koelling, 1966; Garcia; Ervin, Yorke, & Koelling, 1967; Garcia & Koelling, 1966; Garcia, McGowan, Ervin & Koelling, 1968), and Rozin and his collaborators (Rodgers & Rozin, 1966; Rozin, 1967, 1968, 1969) have used illness as an unconditioned response and reported some intriguing findings. In the paradigm experiment (Garcia & Koelling, 1966), rats received “bright-noisy, saccharin-tasting water.” What this meant was that whenever the rat licked a drinking tube containing saccharine-flavored water, lights flashed and anoise source sounded. During these sessions the rats were Xirradiated. X-irradiation makes rats sick, but it should be noted that the illness does not set in for an hour or so following X-raying. Later the rats were tested for acquired aversions to the elements of the compound CS. The rats had acquired a strong aversion to the taste of saccharine, but had not acquired an aversion to the “bright-noise.” The rats had “associated” the taste with their illness, but not the exteroceptive noise-light stimuli. So that it could not be argued that saccharine is such a salient event that it masked the noise and light, Garcia and Koelling ran the complementary experiment: “Bright and noisy saccharin-tasting water” was again used as a CS, but this time electric shock to the feet was the US. The rats were then tested for aversion to the elements of the CS. In this case, the bright noise became aversive, but the saccharin-tasting water did not. This showed that the bright noise was clearly perceptible; but the rats associated only the bright noise and the exteroceptive US of footshock, and not the taste of saccharin in spite of its also being paired with shock.

 

In the experiment, we see both ends as well as the middle of the preparedness continuum. Rats are prepared, by virtue of their evolutionary history, to associate tastes with malaise. For in spite of a several-hour delay of reinforcement, and the presence of other perceptible CSs, only the taste was associated with nausea, and light and noise were not. Further, rats are contraprepared to associate exteroceptive events with nausea and contraprepared to associate tastes with footshock. Finally, the association of foot- shock with light and sound is probably someplace in the unprepared region. The survival advantage of this preparedness seems obvious; organisms who are poisoned by a distinctive food and survive, do well not to eat it again. Selective advantage should accrue, moreover, to those rats whose associative apparatus could bridge a very long CS-US interval and who could ignore contiguous, as well as interpolated, exteroceptive CSs in the case of taste and nausea.

 

Does such prepared and contraprepared acquisition reflect the evolutionary results of selective pressure or does it result from experience? It is possible that Garcia’s rats may have previously learned that tastes were uncorrelated with peripheral pain andthat tastes were highly correlated with alimentary consequences. Such an argument involves an unorthodox premise; that rats’ capacities for learning set and transfer are considerably broader than previously demonstrated. The difference between a position that invokes selective pressure (post hoc) and the experiential set position is testable: Would mating those rats who were most proficient at learning the taste—footshock association produce offspring more capable of such learning than an unselected population? Conversely, would interbreeding refractory rats select out the facility with which the taste—nausea association is made?

 

Supporting evidence for preparedness in classical conditioning has come from other recent experiments on specific hungers and poisoning. Rodgers and Rozin (1966) and Rozin (1967, 1968) have demonstrated that at least part of the mechanism of specific hungers (other than sodium) involves conditioned aversion to the taste of the diet the rats were eating as they became sick. Deficient rats spill the old diet and will not eat it, even after they have recovered. The association of the old taste with malaise seems to be made in spite of the long delay between taste of the diet and gradual onset of illness. The place and the container in which the old diet was set, moreover, do not become aversive. The remarkable ability of wild rats who recover from being poisoned by a novel food, and thereafter avoid new tastes (Barnett, 1963; Rozin, 1968), also seems to result from classical conditioning. Note that the wild rat must he prepared to associate the taste with an illness which does not appear for several hours in only one trial; note also that it must be contraprepared to associate some contiguous CSs surrounding the illness with malaise.

 

Do these findings really show that rats can associate tastes and illness when an interval of many minutes or even hours intervenes or are they merely a subtle instance of contiguity? Peripheral cues coming either from long-lasting aftertastes or from regurgitation might bring the CS and US into contiguity. Rozin (1969) reported evidence against aftertaste mediation; rats received a high concentration of saccharin paired with apomorphine poisoning. Later, the rats were given a choice between the high concentration and a low concentration. The rats preferred the low concentration, even though the aftertaste that was pur portedly contiguous with malaise should be more similar to the low concentration (since it had been diluted by saliva) than the high concentration.

 

Not only do rats acquire an aversion for the old diet, on which they got sick, but they also learn to prefer the taste of a new diet containing the needed substance. This mechanism also seems to involve prepared conditioning of taste to an internal state. Garcia et al. (1967) paired the taste of saccharin with thiamine injections given to thiamine deficient rats, and the rats acquired a preference for saccharin. So both the rejection of old foods and acceptance of new foods in specific hungers can be explained by prepared conditioning of tastes to internal state.

 

Instrumental Learning.

 

E. L. Thorndike, the founder of the instrumental learning tradition, was by no means oblivious to the possibility of preparedness in instrumental learning, as we shall see below. He also hinted at the importance of preparedness in one of his discussions of classical conditioning (Thorndike, 1935, pp. 192—197); one of his students (Bregman, 1934) attempted to replicate the resuits of Watson and Rayner (1920), who found that little Albert became afraid of a white rat, rabbit, and dog which had been paired with a startling noise. Bregman was unable to show any fear conditioning when she paired more conventional CSs, such as blocks of wood and cloth curtains, with startling noise. Thorndike speculated that infants at the age of locomotion were more disposed to manifest fear to objects that wiggle and contort themselves than to motionless CSs.

 

Thorndike’s parallel views on instrumental learning rose from his original studies of cats in puzzle boxes. As every psychologist knows, he put cats in large boxes and investigated the course of learning to pull strings to escape. What is less widely known is that he put his cats in not just one puzzle box, but in a whole series of different ones (incidentally in doing this he seems to have discovered learning set—Thorndike, 1964, pp. 48— 50) - In one box the cats had to pull a string to get out, in another a button had to be pushed, in another a lever had to be depressed, etc. One of his boxes—Box Z—was curious: it was merely a large box with nothing but a door that the experimenter could open. Thorndike opened the door in Box Z whenever cats licked themselves or scratched themselves. The cat is known to use both of these frequently occurring responses instrumentally:

it scratches itself to turn off itches, and licks itself to remove dirt. In addition, Thorndike had established that getting out of a puzzle box was a sufficient reward for reinforcing the acts of string pulling, button pushing, and lever clawing. In spite of this, Thorndike’s cats seemed to have a good deal of trouble learning to scratch themselves or lick themselves to get out of the boxes.
A reanalysis of the individual learning curves presented by Thorndike (1964) for each of the seven cats who had experience in Box Z documents the impression: of the 28 learning curves presented for these seven cats in the boxes other than Z, 22 showed faster learning than in Z, three showed approximately equal learning, and only three showed slower learning. While all of the cats eventually showed improved speeds of licking or scratching for escape, such learning was difficult and irregular. Thorndike noted another unusual property of licking and scratching:
There is in all these cases a noticeable tendency . . . to diminish the act until it becomes a mere vestige of a lick or scratch . . . the licking degenerated into a mere quick turn of the head with one or two motions up and down with tongue extended. Instead of a hearty scratch, the cat waves its paw up and down rapidly for an instant. Moreover, if sometimes you do not let the cat out after the feeble reaction, it does not at once repeat the movement, as it would do if it depressed a thumb piece, for instance, without success in getting the door open [Thorndike, 1964, p. 48].
 

Contemporary investigators have reported related findings. Konorski (1967, pp 463—467) attempted to train “reflex” movements, such as anus licking, scratching, and yawning, with food reinforcement. While reporting success with scratching and anus licking, like Thorndike, he observed spontaneous simplification and arrhythmia in the responses. More importantly, he reported that reinforcement of “true yawning” with food is very difficult, if not impossible. Bolles and Seelbach (1964) reported that rearing could be reinforced by noise offset, but not punished by noise onset, exploration could be modified by both, and grooming by neither. This difference could not be accounted for by difference in operant level, which is substantial for all these behaviors of the rat.

 

Thorndike (1964) speculated that there may be some acts which the organism is not neurally prepared to connect to some sense impressions:

If the associations in general were simply between situation and impulse to act, one would suppose that the situation would be associated with the impulse to lick or scratch as readily as with the impulse to turn a button or claw a string. Such is not the case. By comparing the curves for Z on pages 57—58 with the others, one sees that for so simple an act it takes a long time to form the association. This is not the final reason, for lack of attention, a slight increase in the time taken to open the door after the act was done, or an absence of preparation in the nervous system for connections between these particular acts and definite sense impressions [italics added] may very well have been the cause of the difficulty in forming the associations [p. 113].

This speculation seems reasonable; after all, in the natural history of cats, only behavior such as manipulating objects which maximized chances for escaping traps would be selected, and licking is not in the repertoire which maximizes escape. At minimum, Thorndike demonstrated that the emission of licking paired with an event which could reinforce other emitted acts was not sufficient to reinforce licking equally well. In the present terms, Thorndike had discovered a particular instrumental training situation for which cats are relatively contraprepared.

 

Brown and Jenkins (1968, Experiment 6) have reported findings which appear to come from the opposite end of the dimension. Pigeons were exposed to a lighted key which was paired with grain delivered in a lighted food hopper below the key. But unlike the typical key-pecking situation, the pigeons’ pecking the key did not produce food. Food was contingent only on the key’s being lit, not on pecking the key. In spite of this, all pigeons began pecking the key after exposure to the lighted key, followed by grain. Moreover, key pecking was maintained even though it had no effect on food. One can conclude from these “autoshaping results” that the pigeon is highly prepared for associating the pecking of a lighted key with grain.

 

There is another curiosity in the history of the instrumental learning literature which is usefully viewed with the preparedness dimension: the question of why a reinforcer is reinforcing. For over 20 years, disputes raged about what monolithic principle described the necessary and sufficient conditions for learning. Hull (1943) claimed that tissue-need reduction must occur for learning to take place, while Miller (1951) held that drive reduction was necessary and sufficient. Later, Sheffield, Roby, and Campbell (1954) suggested that a consummatory response was the necessary condition. More recently, it has become clear that learning can occur in the absence of any of these (e.g., Berlyne, 1960). I suggest that when CSs or responses are followed by such biologically important events as need reducers, drive reducers, or consummatory responses, learning should take place readily because natural selection has prepared organisms for such relationships. The relative preparedness of organisms for these events accounts for the saliency of such learning and hence the appeal of each of the monolithic principles. But organisms can learn about bar pressing paired with light onset, etc.; they are merely less prepared to do so, and hence, the now abundant evidence against the earlier principles was more difficult to gather.

 

Thus, we find that in instrumental learning paradigms, there are situations which lie on either side of the rat’s bar pressing for food on the preparedness dimension. A typical rat will ordinarily learn to bar press for food after a few dozen exposures to the bar press—food contingency. But cats, who can use scratching and licking as instrumental acts in some situations, have trouble using these acts to get out of puzzle boxes, and dogs do not learn to yawn for food even after many exposures to the contingency. On the other hand, pigeons acquire a key peck in a lighted key— grain situation, even when there is no contingency at all between key pecking and grain. These three instrumental situations represent unprepared, contraprepared, and prepared contingencies, respectively. Later we shall discuss the possibility that they obey different laws as a function of different preparedness.

 

Discrimination Learning.

 

The next two paradigms we consider—discrimination learning and avoidance learning—combine both classical and instrumental procedures. In both of these paradigms, findings have been reported which challenge the equivalence of associability. We begin with some recent Polish work on discrimination learning in dogs. Lawicka (1964) attempted to train dogs in either a go right—go left differentiation or a go—no go differentiation. Whether such differentiation could be acquired depended on the specific discriminative stimuli used. For the left—right differentiation, if the S and the S+ differed in location (one speaker above the dog; one speaker below), the dog readily learned which way to go in order to receive food. If, however, the stimuli came from the same speaker and differed only in pitch, the left—right differentiation was exceedingly difficult. Topographical differences in stimuli, as opposed to qualitative differences, seem to aid in differentiating two topographically different responses. The dog seems contraprepared, moreover, for making a left— right differentiation to two tones which do not also differ in direction. Lest one argue that the two tones coming out of the same speaker were not discriminable, Lawicka (1964; like Garcia Sc Koelling, 1966) did the complementary experiment: dogs were trained to go and receive food or stay with two tones coming out of the same speaker. One tone was the S+ and the other tone the S —. The dogs learned this readily. Thus, using the same tones which could not be used to establish a left—right differentiation, a go—no go differentiation was established. The author then attempted to elaborate the go no go differentiation to the same tone differing in location of speakers. As the reader should expect by now, the dogs had trouble learning the go—no go differentiation to the difference in location of S+ and 5—. Dogs, then, are contraprepared for learning about different locations controlling a go—no go differentiation although they are not contraprepared for learning that the same locations control a left—right differentiation. Dogs are contraprepared for learning that qualitative differences of tone from the same location control a left—right differentiation, but not contraprepared for using this difference to govern a go-no go differentiation. Dobrzecka and Konorski (1967, 1968) and Szwejkowska (1967) have confirmed and extended these findings.

 

Emlen (personal communication, 1969) reported discrimination (or at least perceptual) learning that is prepared. It is known from planetarium experiments that adult indigo buntings use the northern circumpolar constellations for migration, since blocking these from view disrupts directed migration. One might have thought that the actual constellations were represented genetically. If young birds are raised under a sky which rotates around a fictitious axis, however, they use the arbitrarily chosen circumpolar constellations for migration and ignore the natural circumpolar constellations. Thus, it appears that indigo buntings are prepared to pay attention to and learn about those configurations of stars which rotate most slowly in the heavens.

 

Avoidance Learning.

 

Data from avoidance learning studies also challenge the equivalence of associability. Rats learn reasonably readily to press bars to obtain food. Rats also learn very readily to jump (Baum, 1969) and reasonably readily to run (Miller, 1941, 1951) from a dangerous place to a safe place to avoid electric shock. From this, the premise deduces that rats should learn readily to press bars to avoid shock. But this is not so (e.g., D’Amato Sc Schiff, 1964). Very special procedures must be instituted to train rats to depress levers to avoid shock reliably (e.g., D’Amato Sc Fazzaro, 1966; Fantino, Sharp Sc Cole, 1966). Similarly, pigeons learn readily to peck lighted keys to obtain grain: too readily, probably, for this to be considered an unprepared or arbitrary response (see Brown Sc Jenkins, 1968). But it is very difficult to train pigeons with normal laboratory techniques to key peck to avoid shock. Hoffman and Fleshler (1959) reported that key pecking was impossible to obtain with negative reinforcement; Azrin (1959) found only temporary maintenance of key pecking in but one pigeon; and Rachlin and Hineline (1967) needed 10—15 hours of patient shaping to train key pecking to remove shock. This probably attests more to a problem specific to the response and reinforcer than to some inability of the pigeon to learn about avoidance contingencies. Ask anyone who has attempted to kill pigeons (e.g., by electrocution or throwing rocks at them), how good pigeons are at avoiding. Pigeons learn to fly away to avoid noxious events (e.g., Bedford Sc Anger, 1968; Emlen, 1970). In contrast, it is hard to imagine a pigeon flying away from something to obtain food.

 

Bolles has recently (1970) —and quite persuasively—argued that avoidance responses as studied in laboratory experiments are not simple, arbitrary operants. In order to produce successful avoidance, Bolles argues, the response must be chosen from among the natural, species-specific defensive repertoire of the organism. Thus, it must be a response for which the organism is prepared. Running away for rats and flying away for pigeons make good avoidance responses, while key pecking and bar pressing (which are probably related to the appetitive repertoire) do not.

 

It might be argued that these difficulties in learning avoidance are not due to contrapreparedness but to competing motor responses. Thus, for example, rats have trouble pressing levers to avoid shock because shock causes them to “freeze” which is incompatible with bar pressing. A word of caution is in order about such hypotheses: I know of no theory which specifies in advance what competes with what; rather, response competition (or facilitation) is merely invoked post hoc. When, and if, a theory of topographical incompatibility arises it may indeed provide an explanation of contrapreparedness, but at the present time, it does not.

 

Let us review the evidence against the equivalence of associability premise: in classical conditioning, rats are prepared to associate tastes with nausea and contraprepared to associate taste with footshock. In instrumental learning, different emitted responses are differentially associable with different reinforcers: pigeons are prepared to peck lighted keys for food, since they will acquire this even in the absence of any contingency between key pecking and food. Cats are contraprepared for learning to scratch themselves to escape, and dogs for yawning for food. In discrimination learning, dogs are contraprepared to learn that different locations control a go—no go differentiation, and contra- prepared for different qualities controlling a left—right response. In avoidance learning, those responses which come from the natural defensive repertoire of rats and pigeons are prepared (or at least unprepared) for avoiding shock. Those responses from the appetitive repertoire seem contraprepared for avoidance.

 

Two Failures of General Process Learning Theory:

Language and the Functional Autonomy of Motives

 

The interest of psychologists in animal learning theory is on the wane. Although the reasons are many, a prominent one is that such theories have failed to capture and bring into the laboratory phenomena which provide fertile models of complex human learning, This failure may be due in part to the equivalence premise. By concentrating on events for which organisms have been relatively unprepared, the laws and models which general process learning theories have produced may not be applicable beyond the realm of arbitrary events, arbitrarily connected. This would not be an obstacle if all of human learning consisted of learning about arbitrary events. But it does not. Homo sapiens has an evolutionary history and a biological makeup which has made it relatively prepared to learn some things and relatively contraprepared to learn others. If learning varies with preparedness, it should not be surprising that the laws for unprepared association between events have not explained such phenomena as the learning of language or the acquisition of motives.

 

Lenneberg (1967) has recently provided an analysis of language, the minimal conclusion of which is that children do not learn language the way rats learn to press a lever for food. Put more strongly, the set of laws which describe language learning are not much illuminated by the laws of the acquisition of arbitrary associations between events, as Skinner (1957) has argued. Unlike such unprepared contingencies as bar pressing for food, language does not require careful training or shaping for its acquisition. We do not need to arrange sets of linguistic contingencies carefully to get children to speak and understand English. Programmed training of speech is relatively ineffective, for under all but the most impoverished linguistic environments, human beings learn to speak and understand. Children of the deaf make as much noise and have the same sequence and age of onset for cooing as children of hearing parents. Development of language seems roughly the same across cultures which presumably differ widely in the arrangement of reinforcement contingencies, and language skill is not predicted by chronological age but by motor skill (see Lenneberg, 1967, especially pp. 125—158, for a fuller discussion).

 

The acquisition of language, not unlike pecking a lighted key for grain in the pigeon and the acquisition of birdsong (Petrinovich, 1970), is prepared. The operational criterion for the prepared side of the dimension is that minimal input should produce acquisition. One characteristic of language acquisition which separates it from the bar press is just this: elaborate training is not required for its production. From the point of view of this paper, it is not surprising that the traditional analyses of instrumental and classical conditioning are not adequate for an analysis of language. This is not because language is a phenomenon sui generis, but because the laws of instrumental and classical conditioning were developed to explain unprepared situations and not to account for learning in prepared situations. This is not to assert that the laws which govern language acquisition will necessarily be the same as those governing the Garcia phenomenon, birdsong, or the key peck, but to say that species- specific, biological analysis might be fruitfully made of these phenomena.

 

It is interesting to note in this context the recent success that Gardner and Gardner (1970) have had in teaching American sign language to a chimpanzee. The Gardners reasoned that earlier failures to teach spoken English to chimpanzees (Hayes & Hayes, 1952; Kellogg & Kellogg, 1933) did not result from cognitive deficiencies on the part of the subjects, but from the contraprepared nature of vocalization as a trainable response. The great manual dexterity of the chimpanzee, however, suggested sign language as a more trainable vehicle. Hayes (1968) has recently reanalyzed the data from Vicki (the Hayes’ chimp) and confirmed the suggestion that chimpanzees’ difficulty in using exhalation instrumentally may have caused earlier failures.

 

Language is not the only example of human learning that has eluded general process theory. The extraordinary persistence of acquired human motives has not been captured in ordinary laboratory situations. People, objects, and endeavors which were once unmotivating to an individual acquire and maintain strongly motivating properties. Fondness for the objects of sexual learning long after sexual desire is gone is a clear example. Acquisition of motives is not difficult to bring into the laboratory, and the extensive literature on acquired drives has often been taken as an analysis of acquired human motivation. A rat, originally unafraid of a tone, is shocked while the tone is played. Thereafter, the rat is afraid of the tone. But the analogy breaks down here; for once the tone is presented several times without shock, the tone loses its fear-inducing properties (Little Sc Brimer, 1968; Wagner, Siegel Sc Fein, 1967). (The low resistance to extinction of the conditioned emotional response should not be confused with the high resistance to extinction of the avoidance response. This inextinguishability probably stems from the failure of the organism to stay around in the presence of the CS long enough to be exposed to the fact that shock no longer follows the CS, rather than a failure of fear of the CS to extinguish.) Yet, acquired motivators for humans retain their properties long after the primary motivation with which they were originally paired is absent. Aliport (1937) raised the problem for general process theory as the “functional autonomy of motives.” But in the 30 years since the problem was posed, the failure of acquired human motives to extinguish remains unanalyzed experimentally.

 

The notion of preparedness may be useful in analyzing persistent acquired motivation. Typically, investigations of acquired drives have paired arbitrary CSs with arbitrary primary motivators. It seems possible that if more prepared CSs were paired with primary motivators, the motivational properties of such CSs might be unusually resistant to extinction. Seligman, Ives, Ames, and Mineka (1970) conditioned drinking by pairing compound CSs with injections of hypertonic saline-procaine in rats. When the CS consisted only of exteroceptive stimuli (white box, white noise), conditioning occurred, but extinguished in a few days. When the interoceptive CS of one-hour water deprivation was added to the compound, conditioning occurred and persisted unabated for two months. It seems possible that preparedness of mild thirst for association with rapidly induced strong thirst may account for the inextinguishability of acquired drinking.

 

Are humans prepared to associate a range of endeavors and objects with primary motivators, and are such associations unusually persistent after the original motivators have left the scene? Here, as for language, viewing persistent acquired motives as cases of preparedness may make human motivation—both adaptive and maladaptive—more amenable to study.

 

Preparedness and the Laws of Learning.

 

The primary empirical question has been answered affirmatively: The premise of equivalence of associability does not hold, even in the traditional paradigms for which it was first assumed. But does this matter? Do the same laws which describe the learning of unprepared events hold for prepared, unprepared, and contraprepared events? Given that an organism is prepared, and therefore learns with minimal input, does such learning have different properties from those unprepared associations that the organism acquires more painstakingly? Are the same mechanisms responsible for learning in prepared, unprepared, and relatively contraprepared situations?

 

We can barely give a tentative answer to this question, since it has been largely uninvestigated. Only a few pieces of evidence have been gathered to suggest that once a relatively prepared or contraprepared association has been acquired, it may not display the same family of extinction curves, values for delay of reinforcement, punishment effects, etc., as the lever press for food in the rat. Consider again the Garcia and Koelling (1966) findings: the association of tastes with illness is made with very different delays of reinforcement from ordinary Pavlovian associations. Unlike salivating to sounds, the association will be acquired with delays of up to one hour and more. Detailed studies which compare directly the delay of reinforcement gradients, extinction functions, etc., for prepared versus unprepared associations are needed. It would be interesting to find that the extinction and inhibition functions for prepared associations were different than for unprepared associations. If preparation underlies the observations of functional autonomy, prepared associations might be highly resistant to extinction, punishment, and other changes in instrumental contingencies. Breland and Breland (1966) reported that many of the “prepared” behaviors that the organisms they worked with acquired would persist even under counterproductive instrumental contingencies. To what extent would the autoshaped key pecking responses of Brown and Jenkins (1968) be weakened by extinction or punishment, as bar pressing for food is weakened? Williams and Williams (1969) reported that autoshaped key-pecking responses persist even when they actually “cost” the pigeon reinforcement.

 

Does contraprepared behavior, after being acquired, obey the same laws as unprepared behavior? Thorndike (1964) reported that when he finally trained licking for escape, the response no longer looked like the natural response, but was a pale, mechanical imitation of the natural response. Would the properties of the response differentiation and shaping of such behavior be like those of unprepared responses? The answer to this range of questions is presently unknown.

 

Preparedness has been operationally defined, and it is possible that different laws of learning may vary with the dimension. How can the dimension be anchored more firmly? Might different cognitive and physiological mechanisms covary with dimension?

 

Acquired aversions to tastes following illness is commonplace in humans. These Garcia phenomena are not easily modified by cognition in contrast to other classically conditioned responses in humans (e.g., Spence Sc Platt, 1967). The knowledge that the illness was caused by the stomach flu and not the Sauce Bearnaise does not prevent the sauce from tasting bad in the future. Garcia, Kovner, and Green (1970) reported that distinctive tastes can be used by rats as a cue for shock avoidance in a shuttlebox; but the preference for the taste in the home cage is unchanged. When the taste is paired with illness, however, the preference is reduced in the home cage. Such evidence suggests that prepared associations may not be cognitively mediated, and it is tempting to speculate that cognitive mechanisms (expectation, attention, etc.) come into play with more unprepared or contraprepared situations. If this is so, it is ironic that the “blind” connections which both Thorndike and Pavlov wanted to study lie in the prepared realm and not in the unprepared paradigms they investigated.

 

We might also ask if different neural structures underlie differently prepared learning. Does elaborate prewiring mediate prepared associations such as taste and nausea, while more plastic structures mediate unprepared and contraprepared associations?

 

We have defined the dimension of preparedness and given examples of it. To anchor the dimension we need to know the different laws of learning (families of functions) hold along the answers to three questions about what covaries with it: (a) Do dimension? (b) Do different cognitive mechanisms covary with different laws of learning (families of functions) hold along it? (c) Do different physiological mechanisms also covary with preparedness?

 

Preparation and the General Process View of Learning.

 

If the premise of equivalence of associability is false, then we have reason to suspect that the laws of learning discovered using lever pressing and salivation may not hold for any more than other simple, unprepared associations. If the laws of learning for unprepared association do not hold for prepared or contraprepared associations, is the general process view salvageable in any form? This is an empirical question. Its answer depends on whether differences in learning vary systematically along the dimension of preparedness; the question reduces to whether the preparedness continuum is a nomological continuum. For example, if one finds that the families of extinction functions vary systematically with the dimension, then one might be able to formulate general laws of extinction. Thus, if prepared CRs extinguished very slowly, unprepared CRs extinguished gradually, and contraprepared CRs extinguished precipitously, such a systematic, continuous difference in laws would be a truly general law of extinction. But before such general laws can be achieved, we must first investigate what the laws of prepared and contraprepared associations actually are. If this were done, then the possibility of general laws of learning would be again alive.

 

NOTE

 

The preparation of this manuscript was supported in part by National Institute of Mental Health Grant MH 16546-01 to the author. The author gratefully acknowledges the helpful comments of R. Bolles, P. Cabe, S. Emlen, J. Garcia, E. Lenneberg, R. MacLeod, H. Rachlin, D. Regan, R. Rosinski, P. Rozin, T. A. Ryan, R. Solomon, and F. Stollnitz.